Price of Dalit Assertion is Killing

Who Killed Chakrasen ? The UP Administration must answer the cries of a grieving mother of a Dalit youth Chakrasen in Uddaihdih village of Pratapgarh district


By Vidya Bhushan Rawat



Pratapgarh district of Uttar-Pradesh is basically known for the notoriety of Raja Bhaiya and his supporters. In her last avatar as chief minister of Uttar-Pradesh, Mayawati put Raja of Kunda under the Prevention of Terrorists and Atrocities Act (POTA), which was later withdrawn by Mr Mulayam Singh Yadav who made Raja Bhaiya as a great Thakur icon of Uttar-Pradesh. However, caste politics and violence in Uttar-Pradesh these days are being played at a different way. With growing Brahmin clout, the upper castes are using the micro caste identities to serve their own interest. Caste games in Uttar-Pradesh have become so powerful that the Dalits are at the receiving end. It is not because of Mayawati or BSP’s government that things are happening. The fact of the matter is that we expect two much from this system which has betrayed the rural poor and used their identities for their own purposes. Caste segregation is actually unable to digest the idea of pluralism and putting them easily in the hands of those who we can simply call middlemen. That is why despite Dalits being assertive vis a vis other communities remain helpless in front of their own leadership. The case of the brutal murder of Chakrasen was an eye opener how our state function and how those upper caste leaders who have joined BSP have not shed their caste identities and prejudices.

When the issue of serving their caste interest comes, they prefer their caste and not the ideology of their party. And why should they leave their caste identities when it is benefiting a few while exploiting the others. So far Chakrasen’s murder mystery remain unresolved in the police and administrative textbooks but his family and the villagers continue to receive threatening messages from the powerful Brahmins of Udaiyadih.

How a bright scholar student was termed as thief

Chakrasen, 22, belonging to Chamar community of Dalits, was selected for B.Tech courses in Moti Lal Nehru Regional Engineering College (MLNR), Allahabad. Eldest among his other brothers, Chakrasen’s family was virtually landless. His father Babban died of illness in 1992. The three brothers, Chakrsen, Agnisen (pursuing B.Sc) and Shaktisen (pursing High School) became the responsibility of their grandfather Shiv Murthi alias Sadal who retired from a factory in Kanpur 1999. The saved money helped him to educate all the three brothers who were his life. Shiv Murthi did not have any one in the family and hence his life revolved around his grand children. After retirement the family shifted to this village of Udaihdih in Patti block of Pratapgarh district. This village is about 6 kilometer away from Prithviganj town. Sadal runs a Public Distribution Shop in his house, which according to villagers were given to him because of the failure of Santosh Mishra, a Brahmin. Since then the Mishras were particularly upset with the family and were regularly threatening them of dire consequences. According to Sadal, quota was not the main issue as they themselves left it and on the request of the villagers, Sadal was given the shop. The fact as Sadal suggest is that they wanted their share of 50-kilogram rice every month from the quota shop for free. Since Sadal, an honest man, refused to do it, they started humiliating him and planned to eliminate him. A proud grand father was running the Public Distribution Shop without any fear but there were problems being created by the Brahmins. Chakrsen was aware of it and was helping his grandfather to continue with this. He would help his grandfather, whenever, he was in town. Chakrasen was a better student who could understand and speak English. His sincerity and honesty was never in doubt. In fact a few of his upper caste friends who do not want to concede this fact in open now, actually admitted the fact that this entire case of his being a thief is fabricated.

Trap Game

According to Sadal, in the night of July 31st-August 1st, some of the villagers came to their house at Bhadervah village and asked Chakrsen to accompany them. He went along with them and never returned. Later in the morning, a local vender of newspaper informed the family about Chakrasen being caught at Sudemahu village, about two kilometers away from Bhadrewah village. Sadal and younger brother Shaktisen went to find out about Chakrasen to Sudemahu’s Pasi tola. They were horrified to find that Chakrsen was tied in a thick rope and was being dragged and beaten up by the people. He was simply lying on the ground. There were no cloths at his body, not even his underwear. As Sadal reached near his grandson he named several people who were responsible for this act. They were Santosh Mishra and Akash Dubey. As he was naming people, they were threatened. In fact some of them tried to kill Shaktisen also since he was standing near his brother. They were asked to leave the place. Village Pradhan Raj Mani Vishwkarma informed the police officer Babuchand at 4.30 in the morning but none of them reached the place. A local police constable Pradeep Mishra, who the villagers charge used to stay with the accused and was posted here, too was informed but he too did not turn up. The police became active only once it came to know around 6.15 in the morning that Chakrasen was dead.

Yet, nothing factually happened. There was a check post outside the village, on the road and the policemen would never think of interacting with the Dalit families. Frustrated on the administration’s continuous chanting of Chakrasen as being a thief, the villagers of Bhadervah hoisted black flag on August 15th. ‘What is this freedom’, said a misty eyes Sadal, terming lack of police action and continuous threat to his family. ‘ I am more worried about my two other grandsons. We live in fear and can not go out and the government is doing nothing. The administration sits silently blaming my son as a thief. It is shocking that the accused are roaming free while we are living on constant fear’, said Sadal.

One day before our visit on 16th of September, the Brahmins united again the came to threaten the Dalit families to remain in their limit otherwise they would meet with the same fate as Chakrasen. His younger brother Agnisen is a terrified man today and even refusing to meet us. ‘ People come and go but our condition is worsening. The Brahmins are threatening us daily and police is not taking any action. Today, they came and see the irony; the police have arrested some of our people. Sadal is worried about the safety of his grand children. The police check post is on the road and they have good relations with the Brahmins. The state government seems to be unaware of the fact as the local police are still working on the theme of theft.

Story at Sudemahu Pasi Tola

Sudemahu is nearly two kilometer from the house of Chakrasen in village Bhaderva. We went straight to Pasi families in front of whose house Chakrasen was caught and killed. Two women Gujarati and Rajkumari were standing in front of their house. We informed them our motives to them and asked them as what had happened that night of August 1st.
Rajkumari accused that Chakrasen tried to snatch her earring in the night around 2 am. It rained heavily that night and there was water clogging around the locality. Chakrasen was not wearing anything, his underwear was worn over his head as he approached her and tried to drag her when she made a noise. Amidst all this chaos her husband Babu Chand got up and ran to catch the thief. Chakrasen stumbled after a while and fell on the ground only to be caught by Babu Chand and others.

According to Rajkumari, Chakrasen was a thief and has attacked at least 8 villages that night before finally coming to her village. A mobile was also recovered from him. He was a ‘dirty man’ she said. He came with bad intention was the reference made by the two women. Soon, the entire area had got wind of the incident and people started coming in and he was tied in a rope. ‘ We requested people not to beat him but they did not leave him. Every one was beating him mercilessly. Things were not in our hand’. The rope in which Charasen was allegedly tied has not been taken as an important witness material by the police and it was lying in their house. When we insisted that the family of Chakrasen is not blaming the Pasis for the murder but to the Brahmins, the two women were very clear. It were not the Brahmins who killed him, they said. It was the general public who killed him. But did he come to steal something from their home? Why would he come to steal from your house? What was there to steal? Why in the mid night when every body else remain in the home. Why would any body go to steal something without wearing anything? Nobody is killed such merciless way for stealing things?


The Medical Report

When the news of lynching of Chakrsen reached the Dalit village of Udaiyadih and Bhaderva, people came out in large number. The police officers tried to calm them down but the villagers knew that the police have already been supportive of the murderers. The BSP MLA, a Brahmin called Rama Shiromani Shukla was of no help to the people. As the news of Dalit protest traveled across the districts and people sat on the street with the dead body of Chakrasen, determined to take the body to Lucknow for medical check up, the administration swung into action. ‘They wanted to force us dispose off the body, said Sadal. We have not cremated him but buried him so that in case the police need any further investigations, the body would be made available, as we want the culprits to be hanged, said Sadal, whose misty eyes along with that of his daughter in laws cries make every one in the village cry for justice. It is a shame that a bright student was ‘made’ thief and murdered in a public view and the police have not been able to do justice.

The dead body was taken for postmortem to district hospital. Post mortem was conducted at 3.50 pm on August 1st, 2008 which says ‘, eyes closed swelling present surrounding both eyes. Cause of death due to strangulation, wrote Dr Santosh Tripathi. It means that the report and rumors spread by the upper castes and the administration that Chakrasen died of mob lynching are not true. Of course, he was beaten mercilessly but the fact that the post mortem report suggest death due strangulation is a matter which police must look into and investigate.

The two accused were roaming free. Santosh Mishra and Akash Dubey and their well-wishers including the BSP's Brahmin MLA had the power to deny people a right to even the protest.

Local opinion about Chakrasen comes according to their castes

While all the villagers of Udaihadih blamed the Brahmins for the murder of Chakrasen and felt threatened now, as police remain mute, the women and young people we spoke in Sudemahu openly said that Chakrasen was a thief. The women did not have a high opinion of him. Similarly, speaking to journalists, pradhans and other upper castes, it looks they share the same opinion of his being a thief. Some people indicated another angle to it, which was ‘love affair’. There were two girls in the Pasi family who Chakrasen knew’ said a local Brahmin. ‘ How can anybody would tolerate a person eyeing to one’s mothers and sisters, indicating that there might have been an affair for which Chakrasen was punished so mercilessly. As we came out of the Pasi bastee, I asked this question to many youngsters of the village, tell me was he a thief? The village boys had dubious answers but one man who brought tears in our eyes was Chhote Lal Yadav, a former village Pradhan of the area. I simply asked him, please tell me about this boy Chakrasen? Chotte Lal Yadav had nothing to do with the boy. He did not even know and at the time when the social relations of Chamars and Yadavas remain at the lowest, Chhote Lal Yadav’s word have soothing affect. Tears rolled from his eyes when he said
‘this boy can not be a thief. He can not be a thief.’ He was murdered though he said that he came to know about the incident pretty late. It is these kinds of voices that give us hope in the otherwise caste republics of Uttar-Pradesh, which has virtually forgotten to appreciate your honesty and innocence if you do not belong to similar caste groups.

Administrative goof ups

Police are still investigating the case as if Chakrasen was a thief. There are certain very disturbing questions which the police need to answer and respond. Why has it not taken into the custody, the rope in which Chakrasen was tied? It is still lying at the house of the Pasis. Secondly, whether it was an act of theft or love affair, what gives people moral authority to kill a person of another village? Why police did not act when it was reported to them as early as 4 am in the morning. What was the conspiracy when the local police constable Mishra who knew this but did not followed it up? What is the conspiracy as Chakrasen’s family and others in the village openly and with confident charge the Brahmins (Mishras) for the murder of Chakrasen while the Pasi women deny their hand. Will police check this relationship between the various accused. One of the accused was absconding at the house of BSP MLA Rama Shiromani Shukla when the police arrested him from Shukla’s house, informed Shaktisen. The Dalits have no faith in him. It was shocking how this MLA went to Dalit bastee when the people were adamant on taking the dead body of Chakrasen to Lucknow, placed Rs five hundred ( Rs 500/-) on the dead body asking the people to close the case as it would not help them and that the law would take its own course. What course the law is taking Mr Shukla? Sadal and his grand children Shaktisen and Aginsen are now being threatened by the Brahmins. They came attacking in the village and the police did nothing. Instead, the police arrested some of the villagers. Shakti Sen informs how he is continuously under the threat in the school he goes where the children of Mishra also study. These children threaten him with the same consequences as his brother.

Investigate impartially

There are various points for police to not only understand but also investigate and the most important should be who killed Chakrasen. The police can not keep hiding under the pretext of mob violence when Chakrasen was grandson of a PDS shop owner in a village, which was just 2 kilometer away. We all know how the relations in the villages are and that it would be highly unlikely if people do not know to a person who was living with in two kilometer.

Secondly, Chakrasen was not dead when his grand father and brother met him. He was allowed to die in four hours period when the police failed to intervene. Whether it was deliberate need to be investigated.

Third, the police theory of Chakrasen being a thief is absolutely fabricated and false. Was Chakrasen a proclaimed thief? Was there any record of crime in his name? He was student of Allahabad University and was there any bad entry of him in the University? What would a boy from a city university go to steal from the families of virtually landless people, in this case, the Pasis ?

Fourth point, does any one come in the village in the midnight with out wearing underwear or why would any thief wear underwear over his head as being suggested by the Pasi women? If he had bad intentions (which was actually the intention of the woman we interviewed) than why he came in mid night? Was he caught with some one else?

Fifth point, it might be the possibility that the Brahmins caught hold of him outside his village in the night thrashed him, forced him to run and take shelter in the village of Pasis. He might have entered the village to save his humiliation when he was caught as a ‘thief’. There are many things which each of the villagers are hiding. Police need to investigate this relationship between different accused. The two which it has arrested from the pasi families and the two Brahmin accused which Chakrasen’s family is accusing openly.

Sixth, Investigate the entire issue as why the threats are continuously being made to Shaktisen and others? Why the Brahmin goons came and attack the village of the Dalits on 15th September in the broad day light.

Seventh, that Chakrasen did not died of mob lynching but because of strangulation as per medical report. Did police lift the fingerprints of the accused?

Eighth, how many accused have been arrested so far? What is done to save the family of Sadal.

Conclusions: It seems that Chakrsen was murdered in a very calculated way. If the Brahmins are directly involved then they would face SC-ST atrocities act but if they are in the back, it make things easier for them to push one dalit community against the other. So Pasis and Chamars are at the loggerhead and the Brahmins are enjoying their meal. By getting the Pasis into the act and making it a case of theft or love affair, the villagers are still ignoring the thing as who killed Chakrasen. This is the crude reality of the Indian village system that while every witness to all the gory act of butchering of an innocent boy, none of them dare to come forward. By taking a moral high ground on the issue of relationship, these villagers forget that they have violated law of the land. One thing is clear, he was murdered and police did not act. Another thing is certain that he was the first year student of B.Tech and no doubt a bright young boy. Third thing was also clear that he and his siblings are educated and their grandfather is running a PDS shop successfully which the local Brahmins could not.

The government of Uttar-Pradesh must hand over this case to Central Bureau of Investigation and suspend the police officers for dereliction of duty which allowed the murder of a young boy. Uttar-Pradesh government has given Rs 70,000/- to the grieving family of Chakrasen. It is equally shameful for the government authorities to measure the life of a bright young student in such a meager amount. The police are trying to shelter the criminals as one of the accused was actually arrested from the house of local BSP MLA, the family alleged. The role of police, the political leader must be investigated. The mystery of this killing can easily be unearthed by the police if it works impartially. At the moment, the impartiality of the Uttar-Pradesh police is in question. They are working ‘unbiased’ as with each accused i.e. Brahmin arrest, they are equally arresting the Dalits also. Already, poor Pasis are arrested as accused while the Mishras and Dubeys are roaming free, threatening the family of Shiv Murthy. In the 75th year of Poona Pact, we remember Baba Saheb’s warning of what kind of leadership will we elect on the upper caste Hindu votes. UP’s case is an eye opener. BSP can not shed its ideology for the sake of ‘Sarva Samaj’. UP need a Bahujan Samaj government which can protect them and honour constitutional provisions, promulgate SC-ST act in the cases of violence against Dalits. Sarvjan Samaj can not be bigger than the Bahujan Samaj. One hope the government will act and save the people from further frustration.

Land After Thirty Years of Entitlement

Story of Land Reclamation of Dalits in village Rupchandrapur district Jaunpur Uttar-Pradesh

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat

Mutuna’s face was expressionless even after the greatest event of her life when she entered her field of one acre for the first time after 1976 when her husband Furtidin was given land entitlement by the then prime minister Indira Gandhi. She never knew about the place as since then they tried to occupy their land but the powerful neighbors wont allow them to map. In fact, Mutuna’s issue reflect the dilemma of India’s farmers movement which not only remained caged in tainted caste structure of the powerful upper castes but highly violent also. On August 11th August, 2007 when I witnessed the whole thing, many memories of the past reminded me how the land issue would always remain violent and volatile as it affect the local power equations, unite the oppressed and give them dignity and self respect. It also shows how the powerful communities try to circumvent and subvert the due process of law by delaying and disturbing the entire process.

Ramchandra, eldest son of Furtidin informed me how the local powerful people are still creating hurdle. On the first ay when the land was being measured, I personally asked the women to take control over the land immediately as they would be trapped in saying ‘come tomorrow’. Do not wait for another day, I said to them. But the question was that the local Yadava (a powerful farming community of northern India) family which has illegally grabbed that land had maze crop over the land. Now, there was tension in the area as the Dalit families wanted to occupy the land immediately while the Yadava was taking shelter under the maze crop. Immediately, all decided that Yadava must get away with this. The Dalit women asked Yadava family to collect his maze crop or face its destruction. It was an amazing site to see when a powerful exploitative family cutting their crop and behind them were Dalit women leveling the land and making the boundary wall of their portion. It was a great show of how things change if the administration is with you. When the Lekhpals and others in the village were mapping the land, there was deliberate taunting by the upper caste Hindus and the powerful people. Virtually abusing to provoke the Dalits, they would claim that the Dalits are lazy, as they never aspired to get land. ‘ We have tilled this land, made this concrete to a workable land, said a local Thakur. But when the land at the Yadava family’s backyard was being measured, the issues, which often comes was that right now there was a maze crop and it would not be good to destroy the crop. This time, the Dalits knew it very well that such pretensions of the powerful people in the village in front of the officials results in further complicating the issue.

Ramchandra, migrated to bigger town as a labour has now decided to remain the village and cultivate his land. “ I am very happy to look after my land as my two other brothers would remain in cities to earn for themselves but I will help my family and my mother.’

This story is being written over a period of one month. The gap was deliberate. Having worked in deeply crisis driven condition, I know how the official switch their loyalty and the poor has to run from pillar to post for every small thing. Once the initial work was done and the official gone, we all know, power elite will start creating the same hurdle. After all, how many times, we will come and monitor the situation. But this time around, the villagers were determined come what may and their strength were doubled by some of the outstanding workers of Bharatiya Jan Seva Ashram, Badlapur. Ms Renu, the fire brand women leader of the Ashram actually faced some of the toughest questions of her life right from the officials to rural power folks but she remained un-relented. In those trying time, her determination yielded result and now people’s control over their land is complete, of course, there are certain problematic areas for which the community, the individuals have decided to go to the court.

Rupchandrapur village, which falls under Badlapur block of district Jaunpur in Eastern Uttar-Pradesh witnessed this historic land acquisition. This village is dominated by the Thakurs, the upper caste Hindus claiming to hail from Kshatriya i.e. warrior clan. It also reflect how ‘efficient’ our administrative system is which despite legal validity and by its own standard, it does not follow rules of the law. In 1976, the then prime minister Mrs. Indira Gandhi went for a massive sterilization programme and one of her issues was to give land entitlement to not only Dalits and Muslims but also to those who opt for the sterilization process thus adopting government’s family planning programme.

74 people were given land entitlement in 1976 and the land was to be distributed through the village communal land, which is called Gram Panchayat land. These days normally land is illegally occupied by the powerful communities in the villages. Soon, the government fell in 1979 owing to massive protest against Indira Gandhi and the issue of entitlements of the poor Dalits remained unresolved. The new power equations were used by the powerful communities in their favour by forcing the officials not to visit again and provoked them to cancel the measurement under some pretext or other. Every time, an effort was made and equally resisted by the power elite of the village. Every time the Dalits asked for their land, there was complete lack of sensitivity on part of the officials who would give plenty of arguments regarding the status of their land. Government came and go and the situation at the ground remained unaltered.

One of the important factors of Dalit empowerment in India is democracy. Democracy is essentially a number game and the Dalits and other marginalized communities have understood that their number make majority and hence all of them have become politically very mobile and articulate at least in Uttar-Pradesh. In May 2007 the state saw a shift in power and a Dalit woman Maywati became the chief Minister of the state for the record fourth time.

A change in the government in Lucknow has a lot of meaning for Dalits, particularly those women and wage workers who have been denied dignity and human rights. With a Dalit woman at the thrown of Uttar-Pradesh, a new wave of energy entered into the communities. Bhartiya Jan Seva Ashram, Badlapur realized this important change and went for an all out offensive on the issue of possession being given to those who were allotted land. It approached the district authorities and asked them to take action to provide land allotment soon. In fact, this is one of the strategies used by the International land Coalition’s partners here and essentially part of SDF/UPLA’s land literacy programme to do village mapping, find vacant land and count the rural landless of that area and do issue based advocacy. We have found from our own experiences that issue based advocacy is far better than a generalized form of advocacy which has all ingredients of ‘political manipulations and heavy dose of ideologies’ and very less for the individuals who suffer from incapacities and victim hood.

We have suggested on many occasions that the organizations must have primary data of the targeted village such as the total number of people, land status, status of landless and homeless people with particularly reference of the communities such as Dalits and tribals. The Community Empowerment Facility ( CEF) programme of BJSA came handy for the same and a team of organization visited the village several time to assess the ground situation and the status of land both in term of illegal gratification as well as community wise landlessness. Once they finished their paper work, it was difficult for the authorities to deny them right as the land was already allotted to 74 Dalit families nearly 31 years back. Government machinery often makes use of the ignorance of the village people. By ignorance they mean that villagers are not ‘techno savvy and do not have relevant documents. Officials are very particular about data and documents which the poor villagers do not have.

I was fortunate enough to witness this historical event when people really got land in their hand. A team of 10 land revenue officials ( Lekhpals), Revenue officer, Sub Disctrict Magistrate ( SDM) went to the village and promised the people that the land would be handed over to them. The local power community was also equally vehement in opposing but differences started coming to the fore. The head of the village Mr Shiv Naraian Singh came out openly with the Dalits and said that he would do everything to get these people land. Shiv Narian was elected Sarpanch with a large number of Dalit votes. The opposition was powerful. They questioned the motives of people getting land. A local politician who could not win a single election actually tried every attempt to thwart the land redistribution effort. Upper castes always wanted to get the Patta cancelled. There were several efforts made to redistribute the land but every time the powerful people in the village created some short of issues which ultimately restricted the authorities to go further on this issue.


Ram Bali is father of 9 children. I acre was allotted to him in 1976. Every time they went to the officers, nothing happened. There were efforts made in the past thrice to measure the land but was met with stiff resistance. The upper castes and particularly one powerful family which had controlled the entire area actually planted trees in the hope that after such a thing happen they would have unquestioned control over the land. When the pressure from the Dalits became tremendous the upper castes resorted to blackmailing. This land is now gone to the forest department. We have planted trees and we will not allow you to uproot these trees. So one can understand the kind of pulls and pressures happens in the village when the land is actually handed over the rural poor. Rambali is a happy man that finally he has got justice and that his family would be able to eat his two-time meal. We are ready to work harder to make the land workable.

Mutuna, wife of late Furtidin whose one acre land was actually being tilled by a Yadava family was satisfied that finally she has got her land. She has three sons and now she hope that the land would be sufficient enough to keep the family going.

Temmal got allotment for one acre. Every time efforts were made to give control of land to them these people try to create obstacles. They would abuse us and would not allow us to have safe passage. They have control over the work. We do not even get work under the NREGA programme.

Village Sarpanch Shiv Narian Singh, though is a upper caste Thakur yet seems to reconcile with working for the rights of the Dalits. He says’, The allotment were made in 1976 but the government officials are very careless. A total 51 bighas of land was allotted that time but the powerful people of the village are still trying to occupy that land. We want to give the small ponds and other such land to landless people but problems are being created.

The village Lekhpal who actually is the villain in most of the cases says that so far 48 people have been given possession. The lekhpal also speaks like the upper castes that the Dalits normally do not take of possession saying that the land is a barren and useless land. But he threatens that if the Dalits do not take the possession of land this time, he would be forced to dismiss their entitlement.

Dulari Devi has 5 children. She ahs been waiting for this day to come as the upper caste Hindus do not allow her to reach her land. Land is bad in shape. Lot of weed has surrounded it and it would need tremendous will power to make the land working. But the positive side is that the Dalits are now doing work in their land, weeding out the trees and the grass, leveling the land. It will take time but definitely with the enthusiasm, it will not take much effort.

Ram Charan is very happy to get the land after 30 years. He plan to sow Arahar, Tori, and other vegetables.

Sangeeta says that she is a ‘Dalit’ and landless. She has six other male members as partner in her father in laws land. It is just one 10th of a bighead very miniscule piece of land. She is not very happy with that. The food situation at her house is understandably very bad.

Munni Lal has two sons and one daughter. Nearly 30 years later he is now taking control of a very bad land which has thorny bushes and lengthy weed. He knows it well that to refuse taking control of an otherwise waste land would mean giving the upper castes a chance to condemn them as if they do not want it. He says, “ My allotment letter gives me one acre of land which is to be distributed among the two brothers but we only got 50 decimal. It will take nearly take a month to level the land and make it workable’.

Chandrabhan, a Dalit youth working with Bhartiya Jan Seva Ashram is another happy person today. Born in a landless family, he and his brothers were not even allowed to pass through the area. While he got one acre of land yet again the power people have made mess of the land laws. He has got one fourth of his allotted land as the person who had illegally grabbed the land has manipulated things with revenue officials and done lot of changes in the land map. ‘ We will fight against this and go to the court to rectify it. They do not have anything to save their face after full support from BJSA and the administration and still they wanted to delay the process after many ifs and buts’. Chandrabhan has a sense of relief, as he is leveling his land and cutting the unwanted bush and weeding them out.

A Dalit woman Sukraji bi is very happy. I feel powerful today she says. ‘ We will work harder now and definitely grow on our land rather than working at some body else’s land.
When I ask her about the caste equations and untouchability in the village she says ‘ the upper castes now know that they can not get in untouchability directly as they would penalized but they do. When they want our votes in elections, they would come here, sit on our charpoys ( cots) and eat with us but once that is over, they refuse to sit with us and do not allow us the same at their place. She is happy that the women will change as a woman and that too from her own community is now heading the State’. How does she feel seeing a Dalit woman with her head high rules the state, I ask. “ yes, we are proud that Bahinji ( elder sister, referred to chief minister Mayawati) is a very strong woman. Her elevation to power will definitely help Dalits and women to get their honour and pride.’

While there is absolute truth in Sukraji’s statement as here too in Rupchandrapur, it is women like Renu who made it possible that the land is transferred to the Dalits. She along with other women activists ensures that the officials do not play foul under some pretext or others which she had been facing. Some time, the illegal land grabber who was a local leader said that the land is now under forest department as he has planted Babul trees while on other occasion he made other pretensions. Some time it was provocations and abuses while other time threatening them with dire consequences. All this failed under the determined women’s group of Bharatiya Jan Seva Ashram. They now plan to speak to district authorities to grant some funds under the National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme to the Dalits of Rupchandrapur to level their land and make it cultivable.
The change in power equations have shown their first result though in a small way in Rupchandrapur where the 74 Dalits are now enjoying their land, though with much difficulty of crude exploitative social system which remain shameless even in these times of democracy yet it shows that officials if work persistently and honestly can really do the needful for the power. It is hard to believe that they would change over night but strong signals from the power structure can change their attitude towards rural poor. Another important point for the rural poor is to grab the opportunity of whatever comes in their hand and continue their fight for the rest as snatching land from the hands of then power elite is very difficult as they have not only administration and political leadership with them but also make use of laws. It is advisable to continue our fight and make use of whatever comes in our hand to make our way to the land we have waited for so long. Land is not only matter of laws but a matter of attitude of the law makers and law implementing agencies and sooner they learn it the better it would be for the people. Rupchandrapur is a great lesson for us in this regard.

Intimidating Peace

Muslims in Gujarat: Victims of a conspiring State


By Vidya Bhushan Rawat


Nafisa Bi lost her eyesight three years back after three of her sons were arrested under the notorious Prevention of Atrocities & Terrorist Act (POTA) after the Sabarmati Express, was burnt by the miscreants in Godhara railway station in February 2002. Today, Nafisa, 60 is completely blinded in her isolated home, which used to have a bakery. There are 11 such families living in Rehmat Nagar area of Godhara who have lost everything after their male members were arrested and kept in prison. Charges have not been framed yet, said Rehana Bi whose husband Shabir Hussein was a conductor in a private bus and was randomly arrested along with other ‘conspirators’ for their alleged role in the incident. The meager earning were not enough to sustain their family of four. Her younger daughter Shamim Bano was not born yet and has not seen her father so far. Rehana does not have any other members to support and is earning her livelihood through domesticated work at the houses of nearby Muslim locality of Boharas. “ I go at 8 in the morning and return at 12 pm. They give me the left over food, which I eat and bring for my children. In cash, I just get Rs 250/-. My husband was getting Rs 1,200/- as monthly salary. How can my family survive in a meager Rs 250/-, she asks. No body comes here to ask us about our problems. A few social work organizations were here for some year but now they too have left leaving us in lurch. We have no clue about when our people will be released from the jail, despite the fact that we are informed that Supreme Court has ordered them bail, she explains.

Gujarat has witnessed systematic isolation of the Muslims in the past 10 years. Their movements are traced and livelihood shattered. It is very difficult for them to get even the work in the Hindu households. Even if the community wants to restart its life forgetting the past, there is no certainty whether the product that they make would sale in the market or not. Efforts were made by many NGOs, which failed because of the un written economic blockade by the powerful group of the Hindutva brigade. In fact, the tribal and Dalits face the same wrath in the village if they ally with any likeminded organizations which talks of their identity and rights.

The pain of Nafisa bi needs to be understood in terms of the ailing Gujarati society and the crisis Muslim women face in Gujarat. With most of the male members gone behind the bar, these women today face the uphill task of reviving their lives in a deeply polarized and hostile atmosphere. Rehmat Nagar area reflects the mood of the state government and their zeal to isolate Muslim further. There is no activity in the area, which is completely cut off from the main high way. No link road and if it rains then perhaps it would become nearly impossible for these women to go to earn. Most of the women are surviving on the alms which their employer give them apart from a salary of Rs 250/- per family per month.

Activists come and promise that our people would be released soon as the Supreme Court has ordered, said Rehana Bi. But Nafisa Bi seems to be resigned to her fate. ‘It is more than three years that I saw my sons. Now even if they come, I would not be able to see them.’ Neighbors inform that Nafisa weeps all the time. Her husband divorced her long back without caring their children. Fortunately, her sons were hardworking and earned their livelihood well to take care of her. Today, she is thoroughly dejected at the plight of her sons who she alleges were beaten up mercilessly in the police lock up. Her son Shabir Anwar Ansari have three sons and one daughter while Alauddin, the other son got married the same year. The locality is about 5 kilometers away from the railway station where the Sabarmati Express’s coach were burnt. ‘ The police came in the evening with their face covered and asked the male members to accompany them to their bosses office’, say Rehana. She further added that there were no women police personnel when they came. They were all men showering the choices abuse on us.

Fakharuddin Yusuf was a Bus driver. He was arrested as soon as he returned from his trip. He was put in Sabarmati jail where he died one year later. He was beaten up mercilessly in the police lock up. Obviously, the Gujarat police whose track record is worst while tackling with the minorities cannot escape the blame. Many young children who were born after their father was arrested often ask their mothers when would their father return.

The police and administration has become so nasty that it does not even allow the
detainees to meet their ailing parents even when they were waiting for a peaceful death. Rehana’s mother in law died weeping and crying to see her son who could not come to see her before her death. Payroll was granted to Rehana’s husband three days later after his mother was cremated. Mother and son did not see each other for three years says Rehana wiping her moisted eyes. When the Gujarat police come here they do not bring any women constables and on our defiance we are beaten up. She was arrested for one day. Rehana is outspoken when I ask about who burnt the train. “ we did not know about the burning of train before the police came and started arresting the people. They informed that all the male members would be required to go to SP sahib but once they were put in the police vehicles they never returned and families only came to know about the whereabouts of their male members about three months later when they started writing to them.

‘ I too was arrested but they released me the very next day but my father was kept up in the lock up for six days’, she says. Her moist eyes narrate the innocence inside her ‘, we do not burn even the dead, why would we burnt people alive?’

A total of nearly 100 families are charged under POTA in Godhara. The eleven families whose male wards have been arrested immediately after the train was burnt hail from this locality of Rehmat Nagar which is located on right hand side of the Godhara-Badodara high way. There is no connectivity road to this locality and one has to take off from the vehicle to reach here. The narrow muddy lane is the only way for you to reach the place. None of the man in the area has any work. In fact, they do not get any work outside. Tragedy is that Nafisa and like her many women’s pains and agonies are compounded with the fact that with in their own community they have lot of resistance. When there is no work, man have no work to do and mere domesticated work in nearby locality of the Bohras cannot make them survive. It is ironical that many of the women are being pushed in the flash trade since there is virtually a crisis of survival. Immediately after the riots, many NGOs started working among the victims but two-three years after the incident when they are faced with a hostile state administration which is hell bent on keeping the Muslims in particular and minorities in general out of the mainstream, organizations winded up their charity work. Of course, some of them are still working creating awareness in an otherwise thoroughly communalized atmosphere of Gujarat.

The Modi government kept quiet and even the press has not been able to follow up all the cases. How long the select few would come every day to expose a government, which has been corrupted at every level. The water in Rehmat Nagar area is totally contaminated, as there are factories in the area, which release chemical waste every day and therefore have turned the ground water totally undrinkable. The families go to fetch water from high way, nearly half a kilometer away from the area. Most of the families, which lived here before February 27th, 2002, have now left for other areas leaving 11 of the families here in complete isolation.

Rehana’s mother in law died. When she was on bed, her husband applied for a payroll but was denied. He came to see his mother three days after her death. That is the tragedy of the entire incident. Says Rehana,’ Narendra Modi is not a married man. Had he been married and had some children, he would have been sensitive to the issues of family, pain of a mother or anguish of a wife or cry of the children who miss their father. How would he explain to a mother who died crying without seeing her son?

In the global war on terror, it is very clear that it is the educated elite, which is now becoming a tool in the hands of the deeply religious fanatics. Poor were actually never were part of it. They might be looked down upon as ‘fundamentalists’ but never as ‘terrorists’. In this age when war are psychological as well as more so on modern techniques, a look at the profile of 11 POTA victims would tell how government was hell bent on making the innocent as terrorists.

Shabbir Hussain was bus conductor with a happily married life with children has been arrested. Shabbir Anwar Ansari and Alauddin Ansari were brothers with their families. Both were with their mother and running a bakery shop. Sadiq Khan Sultan Khan was a painter. Shamsher Khan is brother of Sadiq Khan. Yusuf Khan used to make bamboo Pinjara while Feroj Khan was working with Yasin Habib in a hotel. Feroj Khan was working in a steal company and Jabir Binyamin was working with a dairy. Fakhruddin Yusuf was working as a driver and was not even in the town. He returned in the evening only. The work profile of all these people may not suggest whether they had time to conspire against people. He has six daughters and 2 sons. Now all of them have left this place, as there was no security of life and livelihood for them. Jabir’s wife Jainab informs how her two children miss their father. Daughter Saima Bano 4 and son Shehjad 5 have not got their fathers live as he is in jail. In fact Saima was born after her father was in jail.

Jabir’s brother Ramjani was a rikshawpullar with a school. He was arrested from school where he was taking school children. Ramjani has six children with the eldest daughter Naseem Bano aged 12 and the youngest son Sarfaraj aged 5. Another brother Habib is also arrested. He has two children Shamir and Ferhan. The families are virtually living in despair and starvation. All the women are working as domestic servants in the relatively middle class Muslim households and get a maximum of Rs 250/- added with left over food. Irony is that the children are looked after at home by the neighbors or elders like Nafisa bi and other elderly women who cannot work. Some of the children go to a nearby school but majority of them dropped out.

Now Gujarat will face elections and the government of Narendra Modi has started divising methods, which can create communal wage. Dalits are being charged in false cases. Inter caste and inter religious marriages are being blown out of proportion. The state administration is thoroughly Hinduised. Even inside the booking windows of the railway stations one can find the pictures of Hindu Gods and Goddesses, which is against our secular ethics. Cases are not registered for Muslims. Take the case of Jatun Bibi whose house was burnt by the rioters in village Mirapuri which is about 13 kilometer from Godhara. They have a total of 12 acres of land in the family of six yet even 5 years after the riots Jatun can not go back to her village. She now stays in the slums of Rehmat Nagar on a rented house along with her husband. Jatun Bibi filed a case against Sarpanch and won at the session court. The case was challenged in the high court where she lost. She does not even know about the case and files. It was never challenged later. Her husband says that they will never go back to the village as the village Sarpanch and his goons would kill them. Today, Jatun Bibi lives on rent in a small one-room house at Rehmat Nagar. She pays Rs 200/- per month as rent. Her husband is a labour. She used to own a Kirana shop in the village. Both husband and wife worked on the shop and had a big house for them along with others in the family. The three relatives (brothers and sisters) lived together but now they are not ready to return. Her husband expresses his fears that if they return to village, the Sarpanch would kill them. Police does not help in these matters. In fact, a BJP MLA has been supporting the sarpanch.

Jatun Bibi lost her mother in the childhood. She has four sisters and one brother. The one brother, according to her, has turned out to be an anti social element who would not share his parental property with the sisters. Tragically, Jatun Bibi has no sources to challenge the high court order. One does not know what her lawyers are doing at the moment. The condition of rule of law in Gujarat is that Muslims do not come out in open; you have to prove to them that you really care for their issues. Such things may shock people outside Gujarat but this unjust peace in Gujarat must be opposed. Peace building groups are roaming around but how can there be peace in Gujarat if the second majority of Gujarat lives in abject poverty, isolation and complete fear. Can such peace be supported which prohibit people to speak against injustice?

It is not that only Muslims are being targeted in Gujarat. The Dalits and tribals are used against the Muslims and are intimidated if they do not cooperate. Recently, a tribal leader of a social movement who was fighting for the forest rights of the tribals was barred from entering into four districts by the administration. The wife of a well respected Muslim doctor in Godhara was disturbed so much in the aftermath of Godhara that she shifted from Gujarat along with her children as safety of the children was paramount to her.

Gujarat is on the verge of history today. Gujarati’s enjoyed the fruits of globalisation. People greeted them everywhere from Africa to America and England where they went for their business and succeeded. Today, the same Gujarati’s particularly the Non-resident Indian variety are conspicuously silent on the functioning of the governance, which want to weed the fellow Gujarati Muslims out from the state. Often, Gujarati’s use Mahatma Gandhi and his message of social reconciliation for their own benefits abroad particularly in Africa, it is time, they realize that Bapu’s dream of reconciliation hold true for their own state also. In the so-called war against terror we should not forget that it also call for a just government. It also calls for justice against those who are terrorists but not Muslims. They too are terrorists who kill innocent people, rape their women and publicly support killing and humiliation of human being who happens to be Muslims. War against terror should not only be against the terrorists who happen to be Muslims but all those also who kill Muslim selectively. If this so-called war has to be won against the evil designs of all those then those in power or those who wish to come to power must show their resolve in providing governance and protecting all those who are citizens of state. One hope our governments in the Center and states listen to those cries of the victims of the mass killing in Mumbai after the demolition of Babari Masjid or those killed in Hashimpura, Bhagalpur, Kanpur and elsewhere. Not only war against terror, we will need to define genocide in present day term and its linkages to fundamentalist ideologies supported by the state. All those ideological dictators need to be brought to book for abetting the riots, supporting the killing or threatening them with dire consequences. Unfortunately, deeply prejudiced mindset cannot change. Gujarat needs a strong civil society as well as a strong rainbow coalition of the Dalits, Adivasis, Muslims, Christians and OBCs to tackle fascist onslaught on people’s right and livelihood. The real target of the saffron forces in Gujarat is actually not Muslims but Dalits and Adivasis as we only talks of Gujarat issue in terms of Muslims but not in terms of socio political issues, which have threatened the very basis of this government. Adivasis are threatened from their livelihood as Modi goes abroad inviting big industrialists to suck the blood of poor Adivasis and Dalits. All Dalits and Adivasis who are trying to assert are boycotted and pitched against Muslims and Christians. Public land in Gujarat is being given to private companies and nothing has been done to eliminate poverty. The only thing Gujarat has these days is rabid Hinduisation or I would simply say, brahminsation process. It is sickening to see such ritualistic symbols present in everyday life from posters in railway stations to Panchayat Bhavans, you will find not one or two Gods but large number of Godmen. Nowhere, in India such naked neglect of the secular laws of the country. Why should railways allow a picture of Hanuman in its reservation counters or why should the schools and Panchayat buildings have Asha Ram Bapu or Murari Bapu. If you love so much your Gods please do allow the other gods also. And definitely, then will have to put a Mao and a Marx also to satisfy the nonbelievers. This hypocrisy must be challenged. Gujarat is communalized very systematically and the disease is spreading like a virus.

The answer lies in strong ties of real Gujaratis who do not have golden plates in their homes or who do not have NRIs in their family. Yes, Gujarat could be saved by a strong people’s movement involving every segment of the marginalized sections of our society including Muslims and all those victims of Narendra Modi’s rabid anti Dalit, anti tribal and anti farmer policies. It is also time to take these religious lunatics head on otherwise they will deny every one a right to live with dignity and freedom to express.

Hunger in Uttar-Pradesh

Hungry world of Dalits in Poorvanchal

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat



The so-called War against Hunger started at the 1997 Rome Summit where world leaders pledged to support programmes to eliminate hunger and alleviate poverty to half of that time’s below the poverty line people who do not even earn 1 USD a day. That time the number was estimated to be 864 million and half of them were in South Asia. It is strange that since 1997, these world leaders have started forcing the third world countries to comply with the norms that are essentially anti poor. Social security is an old word of socialist era and considered to be out of date in India. The Hindutva government that time was going crazy over the India shining approach just ignoring a vast number of masses who were dying of hunger and starvation. In fact, those of us who were bringing these issues to the public domain were discouraged. Media did not want to broadcast and publish the stories which spoil the taste of their subscribers in the morning.

Background of the work on hunger

That way 2004’s general election was a watershed. It was an election fought on the false premise of India shining. Despite hunger and starvation deaths in various parts of India particularly Orissa, Rajathan, Chhatishgarh, Maharastra, Madhya Pradesh, Jharkhand, Andhra Pradesh and Uttar-Pradesh nothing moved much in the government front. People’s Union for Civil Liberties filed a petition in Supreme Court in 2002 against the hunger deaths in 7 states. The Supreme Court issued notices to these states and their anti poverty programmes and as a civil society follow up of the entire case National Right to Food Campaign took birth. The Supreme Court issued various directives to the governments particularly in relation to Public Distribution System, BPL Cards, Widow and aged pension schemes, Integrated Child Development Programmes. The hearing continue but the real changes do not occur.

The campaign was launched on the premise that Food Corporation of India’s go downs were overflowing with grains ( in fact grain got rotten ) while people were living in abject hunger and poverty was a shame to India.

In the 2004 elections therefore, when the UPA government came to power in Center, it looked as if it has learnt a few lessons from the past government. A National Advisory Council was formed with eminent names like Jean Dreze and Aruna Roy were made members under the chairpersonship of Mrs Sonia Gandhi. The government decided to renew the anti poverty programmes. Since fund were never problems with the government’s finance ministry went out to woe the rural masses. Campaign was launched for a bill like the Maharastra’s Employment Guarantee Programme so that every one gets employment. The government’s bosses also felt that this programme could be a good idea to implement their own liberalization and privatization process and ‘purchase’ the people with one hundred days employment.

One hundred districts were selected for National Employment Guarantee Scheme for the first phase. Now new districts have been added to the list but violence continue in rural India. A large part of India is under the Naxal influence and it is growing day by day. People are still dying of hunger despite millions of dollars being pumped by the aid agencies and the government. We must ponder over this situation otherwise India’s poor will revolt one day and trash everything that we call democratic.

Conditions prevailing in Uttar-Pradesh

It is rather unfortunate that despite a clear verdict of the masses against the concept of privatization and economic liberlisation, the rulers do not want to change their track. Earlier after the elections we saw over throwing of the government in Haryana, Punjab Andhra Pradesh and Uttarakhand. The biggest turn around was Uttar-Pradesh. While the analyst might claim that it was Mayawati’s Brahmin-Dalit combination that got her victory, it would be simply generalizing the facts if we ignore the fact the UP people also voted against Uttar-Pradesh Shining and policy of private crony culture of Mr Mulayam Singh Yadav and his government.

Therefore, when Uttar-Pradesh was shining, just a few months back, I was getting lot of information related to hunger and starvation deaths in the Eastern Part of Uttar-Pradesh. During the past five years in particular, having spend a lot of time with activists and villagers, I realized that the aid agencies, the government and the so-called civil society organizations are far removed from the grassroots reality. Even the media was not reciprocating it at the national level while the local papers were reporting incidents of hunger deaths.

Four districts of Poorvanchal (Eastern Uttar-Pradesh) namely Maharajganj, Kushingar, Deoria and Gorakhpur witness the dance of death every year. Two of these district Kushinagar and Gorakhpur were selected for the NREGA programme while Maharajganj has also been selected for the same from this year. All these districts saw a large number of deaths due to hunger and malnutrition despite all these programmes. The pattern was similar yet nothing happened. When we decided to move on a Padyatra in these districts, it was in fact a reiteration of our earlier stand about the failure of not only aid agencies and government but also civil society. Let us investigate some of these programmes and international campaigns.

18 tribal children died in Raup village of Sonebhadra district in 2004 and the National Human Rights Commission issued notice to the state government. A very senior activist Late M.A.Khan would always question the ‘national’ campaigners who would come for a day in Sonebhadra and disappear after ‘attaining’ everything. These national organizations destroyed the local initiatives by creating division in them. Khan died an unsatisfied man, a man who would have got huge funds to support his work on hunger yet remain penniless till he breathed his last. A mobile library in his ownself, Khan’s work was used by many for their projects in the area.

What irked Khan was that Sonebhadra has a large number of NGOs with ‘National’ outlook. These days apart from being from the ‘press’ get you exclusive sitting at most important places, a tag from human rights also give you strength to manipulate things. With international human rights organization jumping in local fray and acting as a party, the human rights have become abusive term. Agencies write letters on every individual cases of ‘dowry’, ‘rape’ ‘sexual harassment’ and everything under the sun. These organizations are not running any systematic campaigns but are totally depended on the fancy of a few individuals who not only manipulate things but also pretend as if they are the sole protectors of the civil liberties in their area and their life is under the ‘threat’ from the landlords. The agencies who support such propagandists forget to ask their own background as a majority of them have established background and it is rare that they would speak against their own family and caste men. Activists from Uttar-Pradesh are rather smarter in this. They claim to have been fighting against ‘caste’ system but do not give any idea to local communities and people as what is the panacea for it. These are provided to international masters only who present them to their donors as their ‘work’ in India. Most of these international fellows have got strong support from their own communities, as it is rare they would speak against their own community. Hence if you are a Thakur, you will bring the cases of Brahmins, Yadavas, Kurmis for oppressing the Dalits terming them as ‘feudal lords’, while if you happen to be a Brahmin, the cases would be different, so will be the case with Kurmis and others. Everybody try to save the interest of their own community making the other community oppressing the Dalits. So, the downfall of Uttar-Pradesh is in the nepotism and propaganda that these human rights fellows unleash through internet and emails.

The National Right to Food Campaign became a tool to further their own interest and you do not know how many of them exist in Uttar-Pradesh. The politics in the NGOs is more rampant in Uttar-Pradesh. In the name of so-called advocacy and lobbying they make every criminal case as a human rights violation case and if their activists are involved in local feud, it is termed as a threat to their life.

Development need community centered approach

Aid agencies flocked to Sonbhadra, Varanasi, Kushingar, Bhadohi, Bundelkhand and other such ‘poor’ district to ‘eliminate’ hunger yet despite all this people continue to die of hunger. In Kushinagar district’s Koilaswa village became the hub of activities for aid agencies. Number of community organizations were created and their only visible work was ‘wall writing’ related to the rights of Mushahars. One must ask these agencies and their partners as where has the money gone and why even a village with about 500 Mushahar families still have largest number of hungry people and unsafe huts. This village saw 18 children dying of Kalajwar several years ago. Most of the Mushahars here live in huts. Very few of them have got the NREGA card to get some work. None of them can claim to have got even 10 days work under NREGA. Last year, when I visited to this village, a large number of huts were burnt due to fire but this year some of these houses were being constructed under Indira Awas Yojna. The Sarpanch, the secretary of the Panchayats is corrupt say the people but where are the organizations working. Why do they not organize people and take them to the district magistrate and show them them the condition of the NREGA schemes in the area. The fact of the matter is that we claim to create a civil society in the poorest areas. My question is whose civil society it would be ?
How come the work being done on Mushahars, Scavengers do not have persons heading from these communities? It is here the aid agencies have defaulted. They promoted Dalit groups in the name of Dalit identity but rarely bothered to check further whether the same kind of identity which different caste groups are demanding have been accepted by them. When we talk of scavenger or Mushahars or Rajbhars why is that it is the people from other communities leading the movement and not from them. The argument that these communities do not have ‘leadership’ skills is racist and brahmanical in nature and need to be questioned.

It was this long thought that came in mind trying to analyze the caste scenario with poverty that I realize that developmental agenda would have to be community based. Fifty years programmes of development never reached the people. The targets were not specified clearly. They were vague and not according to the demographic set up of the villages. Hence Mushahrs, Bansfors, Rajbhars, Pasis and Chamars remained at the margin. Though people might argue that after Maywati’s ascendance to power Chamar have been ‘empowered’, this notion itself is wrong. The community, no doubt, is politically assertive, yet economically very marginalized in the Eastern Uttar-Pradesh and Bundelkhand.

Humanism Needed

Hunger is not natural but man made with deep socio-cultural dimension. When the major district of Poorvanchal, the rural poor do not possess enough grain to cook two time a meal, the forces of rightwing Hindutva are equally powerful. Just when Navratris are finished, the Goddess Tarkulha Devi’s temple witnesses thousands of goats being slaughtered to please the goddess. And it is not just one goddess, such temples exists all the districts. Kushingar is famous Buddhist center as Buddha preached here for 20 years and died at the end. Japanese, Thai, Barmese, Korean temples are present here. More and more religious groups are coming here to spread their wings. Not only the famous Gorakhdham peeth headed by BJP MP Mahant Aditya Nath have made great inroads among the communities but not on working against hunger but hatred. You can find posters of Hindu Yuva Vahini everywhere. At a place during our Padyatra when I asked to a villager, as ‘which community he belonged to ?’, the emphatic answer was that only ‘Hindus’ live here. Which clearly indicate that they were not keen on speaking on poverty on hunger but on anti Muslim rhetoric’s. In Deoria, we went to a village called Mundera Mishra where a large number of fishermen community live apart from the powerful Brahmins. As soon as we started talking about anti poverty programmes, about the ration cards and other such schemes, the people from Brahmin community came and started altercating with us. ‘ As long as you will allow the Muslims to eat everything that our country produces, we can not alleviate poverty’. I was shocked to hear this as there were no Muslims in the village and we were talking about issue of fishermen, ration card and anti poverty programmes in the village.

Walking towards Rudrapur from Deoria, we met with a group of boys catching rats. They belonged to Rajbhar community. As mentioned earlier three communities of Mushahars, Rajbhars and Chauhans are living in pathological hunger and forced to eat rats. The children who should have been going to school actually were grazing the cattle’s on a rainy day. None of them go to school. The food situation in their house was difficult. They caught several rats and took us to a school to roast them like Kababs. One could see the glee in their faces as they enjoyed their lunch after such hunger. One wonders where the aid agencies have gone. Rajbhar and Chauhan community does not come under the Scheduled Caste category but their condition can not be regarded as better than the Dalits. Yes, they are MBCs and are forced to live in isolation and ostracisation. It was village Sarora where I did not see a single rajbhar house which could be pucca.

On the road we met a Rajbhar tractor driver who was not very happy with the turn of events in Uttar-Pradesh. Clearly, his thoughts were not with Behenji and were saddened with the demise of the Rajbhar party of Om Prakash Rajbhar. I asked them as why don’t they organize community for their socio-economic-cultural benefit. Why we need to politicize all the issues when the basic issue of hunger and poverty have not yet resolved.
Tragedy in Uttar-Pradesh was that while people were politically assertive may be they have sold their conscience to their caste identity but beyond that nothing is moving. Normally, no body question their political leaders for the work they are not doing. People do not seem to be interested in listening to other communities. If you belong to same community they become over enthused. This actually has resulted in a generation of middlemen who sale the community for small pie.

In the Vindhyawalia bastee of fishermen, I did not find a single house to be pucca. The fishermen have lost their habitat because of soil erosion brought out by the river Chhoti Gandak. In the absence of fishing people migrate to other states particularly to Goa for sand mining. We saw many of those exploited hands during our visit. It was shocking to see how the mining has not only made them entire generation of fishermen slave to several diseases including skin problems and breathing problems.

In many Mushahar bastees children do not go to school. At one village out of nearly 300 children, I could speak to only two who claimed they were going to school. The schools are quite far and most of the time the parents have no money to pay the school fee and hence are unable to send them. Moreover, the exploitation is so much that children once scolded by the teachers seldom go back. Local liquor is a daily routine. Most of the women are involved in making liquor. During summers Tadi is favorite drink. Even the children drink it for Rs 5/- a glass. They remain hungry during the entire day.

Japan government and world bank are working on Maitryee Project in Kushingar which will displace about several hundred small farmers as it need to acquire over 600 acre of land to build biggest Buddhas of Bamiyan type. It is very unfortunate that while Kushinagar and all these nearby areas are witnessing Tandava of hunger for the past 10 years, none of the so-called religious groups ever bothered about their fate. Superstition is very high in the region and poverty is linked to fete and the bad karma of the previous birth, therefore justifying the current structure of injustice and exploitation.

That is one reason why during our padyatra, we made it a point to raise the issue of right over people’s resources and for dignity and freedom. Our campaign was not just limited to land redistribution but against the exploitative nature of our society, our caste system and ritualistic religious values which dehumanize the people.

Environmental Dangers

It is strange that the environmental degradation and its impact on communities such as fishermen and farmers have rarely been raised in Poorvanchal. Perhaps because during the past few years environment has become a subject for the urban elite to discuss where they can think of throwing the communities like tribal away from the forest. But, in Poorvanchal, the issue is real and the threat as ever. All the major rivers of Poorvanchal, Rapti, Chhoti Gandak, Gurra, Amy etc are thoroughly polluted. They have turned to gutter as the sewage water of the distilleries and sugar factories flows into them. There is no anti pollution measures and one wonder what is UP Pollution Control Board is doing. In Kaptanganj and Ramkola towns of Kushingar district the local sugar mills and distilleries are throwing huge chemical waste in the river Gandak. The sewage water spills into the fields thus destroying the crops. In fact many time there have been agitation against the same in Ramkola where farmers are genuinely agitated over the destruction of a vast track of their land. The drinking water is contaminated and most of the people in area suffer from various diseases. In March 1999 an agreement was signed in the presence of district magistrate along with farmers and UP Sugar Corporation Ltd under which the sugar mills had to develop sewage water treatment plant and would pay compensation to the farmers. It was also agreed that in Mathura Nagar area of Ramkola over 7 people had died during 1999 with drinking contaminated water. Things have not changed yet after so many years. One can see the burnt field with stinking smell which make any one sink.

About 6 kilometer away from Chaurichaura is famous Sardar Nagar owned by Sardar S.S.Majithia whose terror also run in the village. Without any treatment plant the sewage is drained into river Gurra, a tributary of Rapti. Farmers are agitated over it and fishermen have lost every thing, as there is no fish catch these days. Now, the village people are planning to approach the court. When our Padyatra approached the Sardarnagar distillery and was taking photographs and video shoot of the area, the company stalkers started haunting us. ‘ Why have you come here ? Who are you ? Show us your identity card ? I told the person that we are on a Padyatra and are looking the environmental hazards of the sugar factories and other mills in the area. And that people are complaining and they have a right to seek redressal. The person threatened us not to take further photographs. ‘ We have certificate from UP Pollution Control Board’ he said and I retorted back as why he was worried then?

Sardarnagar factories do not have sewage line. A large number of sweeper who live in the vicinity have been working on contract labour for the past 20 years and their salaries have not gone beyond Rs 3000/-. They were shown the door when they question for more salary and bonus etc . It is no secret that manual scavenging is prevalent inside the campus of the sugar mill and distillery as the toilets are kuchcha. While the company may make the pollution control people fool by saying they have now flush toilets, the fact is that inspite of that, these toilets and their pits need to be cleaned annually and it is the local Hellas (Muslim Scavengers) and Bansfors who are doing the cleaning work.

Apart from chemical waste in the rivers, the other threat to the rivers of Poorvanchal is from the mechanized sand mining. Rivers particularly Chhotigandak has gone deep down with sand mining and it is adding to the woes of farmers every year during the monsoon as often it change the track and erode the different area. Many localities, villages have been permanently submerged because of this soil erosion by river Gandak, and Ghaghara.
They are considered to be the most dangerous rivers. In Gorakhpur district river Rapti often play havoc and people still tremble narrating the horrific tale of flood in 1999 and 2002 when hundreds of villages disappeared. Thousands of hectares of land is now turned sandy and farmers have no other choice but to migrate and become labours.

Prevailing Hunger and malnutrition:

Navami is 25 years old. He has three sons and two daughters. Living as an encroacher on the road, he has turned saffron these days after a cow hit him on his leg. The family went to a local Jholachaap doctor for the treatment who has in fact destroyed his feet. He has become virtually disabled and is barely able to walk. Navmi’s father lives about 200 meter away from his Jhopadi in the Mushahar Bastee of Bishanpurwa village in Premwalia Panchayat of district Kushingar. Bishanpura is predominantly a Dalit habitat in which a substantial chunk of Chamars and Mushahars live. Chamar because of the politicization process in the past 15 years are relatively better organized and aware of their conditions but Mushahar because of their lesser numbers as well as worst economic conditions remains on margin. At a distance of about 8 kilometer from the town Kasaya, Bishanpura present two different world, one of the upper castes, mobile backward communities and the other of Mushahars and Chamars.

Though the village activist claim that the condition of Mushahar in this village was relatively better than anywhere else but a visit to their thatched hut reveal the truth. It is not just the war against a corrupt society but cultural practice which has subjugated them for years. Entering at many houses, I found people cooking snails. At many houses the morning break fast was not ready yet.

Like many others, Navami does not work and his physically challenge father earn livelihood for him. His wife Akali is at the later stage of pregnancy. Looking at her, one wonder, how healthy would be the child when born. ‘We keep fast for most of the days as Navami is not able to work’, says Akali. She adds that he is not interested in the family, as he has now become a saint. “ But how come despite being a saint, you became pregnant, I ask. Don’t you think that it is also your duty to minimize your burden? Her small hut does not have anything. They do not possess any ration card. None of them know about National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme under which every unemployed male or female in a village would get a minimum of one hundred days work. Now the UP government has increased the minimum wages to Rs 82/-. But see the irony Navami has none of these cards. It would not be surprising if in the absence of any government aid he and his family starve. One can imagine as what would be the fate of his unborn child. Navami’s elder daughter is at the field behind their hut doing some work. I ask her about whether she has eaten any thing. The answer is in the negative. She inform me that the family does not cook and that she and her brothers remain hungry. By the time, we were conducting our interview with her, Akali was going to beg the left over food for their lunch.


B: Leelawati Gupta is a young widow living in a small hut in Deoria district. Her husband died of tuberculosis about eight months ago. Gupta was a Halwai who could not afford the family of five children. The family left for Siligudi in the hope for better future. The debt compounded and therefore the local debtors took over the house of the family in lieu of their debt. Gupta died of tremendous pressure. The family did not have anything to eat. A good Halwai family turned into a completely workless family. There was nothing to eat for the children.

Today, Leelawati’s eldest daughter is also left by her husband. She live along with small daughter at her mother’s hut. Half of the week, they keep fasting. No help came from any quarter. Leelwati moved from one place to other but of no help. They did not have a ration card to procure food items. There was no help from any where. The children for not going to school but working. Four months after the death of her husband, the Panchayat thought of her giving her a BPL ration card. She sales the rice from the village and earn around Rs 35 a day but that too in kind form. There is no other source of income. The young daughter left by her husband is equally baffling her. The family is on the brink of collapse and may use escapist tendencies to survive.

Idrish Ansari has a small rehari shop of eggs. With a small gas stove, he make omelet for the customers and also sale boiled egg. In the small town of … one does not know whether he would be able to take care of his family of 9 children. He has got a small house under the Indira Awas Yojna but that house cannot accommodate all the family members hence 7 of them sleep in an under construction under ground floor of a house owned by a local landlord. Idrish has a buffalo as well as horse for marriage parties. But these days when the parties hire cars and electronic items, the bridegroom in horse is becoming rare day by day. The resources are scant day by day. Idirsh does not possess a ration card and his condition show that the family and children are going to face very difficult time in next few months if the help does not come.


In the Deoria town we visited the urban slums. In the Ambedkar Nagar bustee we met a number of Bansfors. The families are living in miserable condition. I met many children and none of them go to school. Most of the people work part time and have no source of income. The women and children are involved in manual scavenging. In the family of Six children, I find them eating Sattu for their lunch. One of the child was epileptic. He was unable to open his eyes. The wife presented a miserable picture. There was no food. No government scheme has reached the village. There was no ration card to procure subsidized rice from the market. It was surviving on the edge and one can rarely describe them to narrate. The child in the family was in danger if not takes care properly. They are three families and the card of Above the Poverty Line is issued to their mother. It was a tragic site as how the sweeper community is facing not only indignity but also ostracisation and starvation. The people claiming to work on hunger are rarely reaching them.

36 families of Bansfors are living in miserable condition on the road at civil lines. They weave basket and barely earn Rs 30 per day. Most of them used to sleep on the road till one day the district administration decided to shunt them away to another place without thinking whether human conditions prevails in that area or not. A number of women still cry, as they have no other source to live.

Hungry Swachchakars

Hunger is everywhere. The only difference is that your eyes and heart need to be sensitive enough to hear those pains and miseries. NGOs have turned hunger into a project for their own self without ever evaluating their own work. It is rare to speak about urban hunger since most of these cases occur in rural area but the Sweeper community in many of these places is suffering in silence. Manual Scavenging is going well without any stoppage. How do you stop without providing alternative to the people? Most of the families were eating Sattu and children do not go to school. No government scheme reach them and very few of them had got ration cards.

In Rudrapur, I found a happy scavenger mother telling me how her 9 years old daughter Arti takes care of the family every day. Arti was grinding Mashala when I met her. Afterwards, her mother took me to her hut and showed that their girl can cook. It was shocking when I ask why were they imposing family burden on a young child. Arti’s father was a Rikshapullar and their earning was not enough to sustain the family. They were not able to send their children to school.

We visited many homes and saw their condition. Writing about hunger make you some time repeating things but then it is the issue and we need to focus more on them. In most of the municipalities including Laar, Rudrapur, Deoria, Gorakhpur, Chaurichuara, Mau the condition need to be assessed carefully. That manual scavenging is going on uninterrupted because the government has failed them to provide any help and the organizations of civil society used their plight for their own purposes without making community feel that there is a discrimination and they should stand up against the same is a national disgrace and we all must take the blame.

In most of the municipalities, many of the Balmikis were kept under contract labour by Mulayam Singh’s ordinance. In towns like Laar, they had not got their salaries till date after their appointment forcing the people to reengage them in manual scavenging.

Right over resources can not be compensated by NREGA and PDS system

It is ironical that campaigns to eliminate hunger are not talking in terms of livelihood. If situation has to be seen in this perspective, most of the Mushahrs are dying because they are landless. They used to depend on forest but that too has been out of reach for them now, as forest department is getting murkier day by day. Rajbhars are another community which is totally landless and live in complete isolation. Their power of vote can not change much of the Panchayats local political equations. We have seen how the NREGA and food for work programmes are being appropriated by the powerful communities of the village. Fishermen are dying of hunger because they have lost everything. Their lakes are drying up and sewage water has killed the fishes. Other communities like Chamars, Pasis, Chauhans, Mushahars are totally landless and therefore workless. They are just political in terms of their caste identities but their political class seems not be interested in raising these issues of livelihood. Even the workers of their community do not seem to be working on socio-cultural revival of the community. Identity is fastly becoming a tool for the political Dalals to mobilize people for their own nefarious goals. This culture of considering communities as pocket borrow will have to be changed in Uttar-Pradesh and that could only happen if the agencies work wholeheartedly on an emergency basis with community’s social organizations. Advocacy and Lobbying for greater ‘national’ cause can not be bigger than the local cause of the communities. Uttar-Pradesh does not have infrastrcture. Schools are without teachers and toilets. The public distribution system is in complete mess in Uttar-Pradesh. This is accepted by the advisers of the Supreme Court in their report. Most of the eligible people never got the entitlement and again the power elite in the rural structure grabbed all these opportunities. But it is also a fact there is nothing in the PDS which any good person would like to purchase. Most of the people never get kerosene, and sugar on their cards. In fact, the activists are now asking that it need to be like supermarket where people should be allowed to procure all other items like stationary, books, masalas, and ration on a subsidized rate.

Government need to focus on education, electricity and drinking water only then Uttar Pradesh will shine for all. For the civil society organizations, it would be better not to consider people as showing their strength in Lucknow and Delhi but do some concrete work at the village level, sharing their agonies and making them feel as part of civil society but not as their leaders but developing leadership qualities in each of these communities. Hunger will not end unless we challenge the very basis of karma theory and bring people out of the religious rituals, which make them bonded to thugs and tantriks. Hunger will not end unless the government and organization feel that it is really not an issue of charity but right over resources. Give the fishermen better rivers and lakes and they will not ask for NREGA. Protect the farmers from the onslaught of the spoiling factories and they will do wonders. And finally do fill your promises to redistribute land to all landless communities and I bet they will shine for us all. If we do not learn lesson from other parts of the country and violence growing there, the day will not be far when we will witness same war in Uttar-Pradesh and peace would be the biggest victim.





CHAURI-CHAURA DECLARATION

Land, Dignity and Freedom footmarch which covered around 140 villages, 7 urban slum in four districts of Maharajganj, Kushingar, Deoria and Gorakhpur district, It started from Tilakwania village in Ghughali town of Maharajganj district on June 1st, 2007 and culminated at Chauri Chaura on June 22nd, 2007 with a total of 370 kilometers. Organised by Uttar-Pradesh Land Alliance and led by Shri Vidya Bhushan Rawat, Director, Social Development Foundation, Delhi, the Padyatra raised the issue of hunger, land, water and sustainable development. Nearly 20 Padyatris including women and girls from the marginalised sections of society walked this distance in scorching heat for full 22 days. It raised the issue of the failure of the previous government to deal with the issue of livelihood of marginalised communities and their continuous marginalisation through hunger, malnutrition, poverty and depression. It also voiced its concern over growing communalisation process as well as spreading of superstition among the poorer sections of society. At many places the marchers spoke to small gatherings, met people, visited affected areas and conducted social audits of schemes like NREGA.

At the culmination of 22 days padyatra at Chauri Charua, we demand the following :

1. The government must take special measures to improve the condition of Mushahars, Rajbhars, Bansfors, Nonias, Machchuaras, Dom, Swachchakars, Pasis and Chamars. These communities are living in abysmally degrading conditions and need special measures.

2. In the Eastern Uttar-Pradesh the Sand Mafias are controlling the rivers like Chhoti Gandak, Gurra, Rapti and Ghaghara. The mechanized sand mining has resulted in soil erosion by these rivers during monsoon. Thousands of hectare of land has turned infertile. In Brahmapur region Rapti has destroyed Ranapar area. In Kaptanganj and Ramkola towns in Kushinagar district are facing severe soil erosion due to sand mining. We demand immediate halt of mechanized sand mining and ask the government to allow the fish worker to do the same but government should fix up a limit for the same.

3. In many villages of Eastern Uttar-Pradesh powerful local people have illegally grabbed the land given to Dalits and Most backward communities. In many villages, the Dalits are not even allowed passage to move out. Government must ensure that every person live with dignity at his/her land that every one has a right to access road in his/her house.

4. The Sugar factories and distilleries in Ramkola, Kaptanganj, Deoria, Rudrapur, Sardarnagar
are throwing chemical waste in the rivers like Chhoti Gandak, Rapti, Amy and Gurra resulting in heavy pollution in the rivers. The fish workers are facing hunger, as the fish catch is almost nil. Apart from this, the waste has spilled over to a vast agricultural land turning them completely barren and dangerous. The ground water in most of the eastern UP town is contaminated which is a severe threat to public health. We demand immediate action against these factory/mill owners and ask the government to compensate the farmers who have lost their land to these mills. The Pollution Control board should be asked to explain as why they continue to allow such hazards industries to run.

5. In Kushingar and Gorakhpur the condition of National Employment Guarantee Scheme is a matter of grave concern. It has not been implemented accordingly. We found work being done through tractors and people without work despite having the valid card. The scheme seems to have failed because of the connivance between the village Pradhans and block officials. We demand severe action against erring officials to implement the scheme and ask the government to form a monitoring and evaluating committee which should include civil society representatives.

6. In Poorvanchal, we found lot of discrepancy in the distribution of ration cards. Those who should have been eligible for the cards have not got it while others have got it. We demand strong action the Sarpanches and officials who are involved in nepotism and corruption. We also demand from the government that the reach of the Public Distribution System should be expanded and it must include important edible items, books, and cloths, Masalas etc so that the poor can benefit from this.

7. Hunger and starvation is prevelent in Eastern Uttar-Pradesh. A majority of families do not ration for two times. The children have uncertain futrue. It is shameful that children from Mushahars, Chauhan, Rajbhar etc are eating rats and fishermen are forced to survive on snails.

We demand the government to focus on these communities with special programmes particularly developing schools in the villages with mid day meals and other incentives for school children and their parents.

8. The government must form special Land Courts to settle land disputes and implement the land reform measures strongly and effectively. The government must concentrate on giving communal entitlement. We also demand that women should be given priority in allotment of agricultural land and all new entitlement whether residential or agricultural should have joint entitlment.

Today on the day of culmination of Padyatra we committ ourselves to continue our struggle for Land, Dignity and freedom. We will continue to make government aware of the ground situation while fighting for our rights democratically. We also want to make it clear that this war of independence is not possible with out the support and alliance of anti caste, anti communal, anti superstition and progressive forces in which the role of women, Dalits, Most backward communities and tribals have an important role to play. We also feel that this for dignity and freedom we have to take inspiration from Baa Saheb Ambedkar, Jyoti Ba Phule, Savitri Bai Phule, and EV Ramaswamy Naicar. They remain our icons and role models in our struggle for the creation of a civil society.

Following organisations signed the resolution

Uttar-Pradesh Land Alliance,
Social Development Foundation, Delhi
Food for Hungry Foundation, Delhi
Dr B.R.Ambedkar Gramodyog Sansthan, Deoria
Swachchakar Kalyan Samiti, Ghazipur
Smt Sonia Gramin Mahila avam Bal Kalyan Samiti, Deoria
Lord Buddha Trust, Kushinagar
Hitkari Sewa Samiti, Deoria
Jan Kalyan Sansthan, Chauri Chaura, Gorakhpur
Palanjivi Samiti, Rudrapur, Deoria
Mushahar Shakti Sanghthan, Deoria
Tharu Development Society, Lakhimpur Khiri
Tal Ratoy Machchua Jan Kalyan Sansthan, Mau
Bharatiya Jan Seva Ashram, Jaunpur
Chitrakoot Sewa Ashram, Chitrakoot
Dalit Mahila Mukti Morcha,
UP Machchua Adhikar Manch, Rudrapur
and number of others

Nationhood Redefined

Strong caste identities pose serious challenge to brahmanical supermacy

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat



Hindu Society is a myth but caste is a reality. And this reality has been widely accepted in Uttar-Pradesh and Bihar where caste assertion is growing and those without any political representations are living on the margins. It would look absolutely fanatical if you talk of caste as a nation but reading V.T.Rajshekar’s book ‘Caste, a Nation with in the Nation’, recipe for a bloodless revolution, reveals the importance of the subject. He is not the only one who speaks on the issue but definitely perhaps among very few who are unapologetic about speaking it and quotes reasonably well from Anthropological survey of India report ‘ People of India’ which was headed by an IAS officer Mr K.S.Singh. Singh maintained that there are 2800 castes in which 450 are scheduled castes, 461 scheduled tribes and 766 backward classes. The report, which says that ‘ Indian society continues to be a collection of castes and communities,’ has been hidden in the dusty files of the ministry.

It is a fact that people closely connect on the basis of their caste more than any other identity. A person lives in various identities including the individual one. There are identities, which are linguistic, regional, and ethnic yet the Indian sub continental reality is that it would be entirely baseless to say that the caste identity does not exist. If caste were not a reality, Bangladesh would not have come into being. The fact of the matter is the Punjabi Muslims had always treated the Bangla Muslims with utter contempt. A former general in Pakistan justified in his book for non-inclusion of the Bengalis in elite services of Pakistan for they ‘lack’ merit.

Caste Identities will ultimately eliminate the brahmanical supremacy

What Rajsekhar has tried to put in bravely is that caste system has to be opposed but castes are different identities. That is a fact because Dalit is not a one word or one world as it includes a variety of castes and each one has its own world. Dr Baba Saheb Ambedkar, when drafted the constitution, mentioned it as Scheduled Castes. So he was aware of the fact of the diversity with in the Dalit Bahujan societies. Caste is a reality and not rhetoric and has been wonderfully explained by Mr V.T.Rajshekar. In fact, he was among the very few whom out rightly supported quota on the basis of the percentage of the community. The issue of Mala Madiga, Mahar-Mang, Chamars-Valmikis and others would get resolved easily if there were broader feeling of sharing the space with even the nondescript communities. It is also interesting that the author says the abolition of sub castes would not help the Dalit Bahujan but to the brahmanical Hinduism. If Hindus are so interested in caste elimination why the elite want to confine their marriage in their communities. If caste is a rural phenomena and not an urban one, why the hell it is not eliminated from our English newspapers and their matrimonial columns? The caste consciousness of the Dalit Bahujan would make the struggle stronger which the upper caste Hindus fear too much and therefore the ‘saintly’ advise of ‘elimination’ of castes without touching the caste system.

Rajshekar is unique in theorizing and people like me have always taken those theories further. Like, the demand for elimination or annihilation of castes normally comes from the powerful groups. It is no secret that why this issue has rarely been raised by the poor. Why are Brahmins so interested in demolition of caste they so wonderfully created? The answer is provided by the author himself. Today, using caste identity is not beneficial for the Brahmins. It is beneficial for the Dalits and the bahujans for democracy is a number game and therefore assertion is important. Secondly, it is important whether denouncing caste has in fact resulted in demolition of the brahmanical structure. It is easier to say ‘ I do not believe in caste’, but how many of them have excluded from their social rituals and practices based on caste system. The answer would be in negative.

On December 16th, 1993 Rajshekar wrote a historic editorial in Dalit Voice: Strengthen every caste to annihilate Brahmanism’. This was an important departure from the so-called academic theories, which talks of ‘elimination’ of caste system without really intending to do so. In December 1992 Babari Masjid was demolished and Dalit Voice was the only journal, which wrote that myth of the Hindu tolerance was exposed. Some of us who developed our understanding though reading Dalit Voice and the material referred by its editor, realized that the aim of the Babri demolition was not really against the Muslims but subjugate the Dalit Bahujan masses further which were aggressively asserting their caste identities in the aftermath of the anti Mandal protests in north India. An analysis of the post Mandal situation in India reflect explains unambiguously that had it not been the assertion of Dalit-Bahujan, India would have turned into a fascist state. Is not it a reality that after the Babari mosque was demolished the Dalit Bahujan of Uttar-Pradesh joined hand and threw away the fascist government of the Bhartiya Janata Party which thought that they would come with thumping majority. Is not it true that both Uttar-Pradesh and Bihar, many of our educated elite might make us believe are the worst Indian states, have virtually decimated the Sangh parivar. And what are the reasons for the same? It is the growing assertion of the Dalit backward communities in these states, which has kept the Hindutva family thoroughly marginalized. In the latest round of bout, again the people of Uttar-Pradesh have brought back a government led by a Dalit woman and both the upper caste parties are at the margin. It is another factor that the fall of Mulayam Singh Yadav must be attributed to upper castes and hence Maywati has to be extra vigilant when she makes Brahmins her ally, as they have not come to Maywati leaving their feudal caste mindset but because of compulsions. And marriage of convenience breaks ones compulsions are over. It is important to understand that while the caste identities have challenged brahmanical supremacy, further degeneration of it would bring back the brahmanical elite. Uttar-Pradesh is a case example. While the main political struggle here is between the Dalits and backwards, it is the brahmanical elite, which has become the most sought after in the state. But if the Dalit Bahujan are understandable this question would also get resolved soon.

Connect to History

The best practice of the brahmanical manipulation was that they were non violently violent as Rajshekar has pointed out many times. They institutionalized violence and made everything that benefited them as sacrosanct. So, for the poor Dalit Bahujan, the Brahmins made them hate them, so most of these communities hated themselves and their communities. Abroad, people used to write their surname with the work they do like the Shoe maker put their sir name as Shoemaker, similarly other sir names originated as Smith, Goldsmith, Blacksmith, Butler, etc. But here the Brahmins asked to hate us. How can the people or a community progress if they do not know their own history and hate them. Every now and them the ruling elite talks of the contradictions among the Dalit and Bahujan classes but the fact is that contradictions are there in our lives as Mao Tse Tung said in his famous work ‘ On Contradictions’. Human history progressed with these contradictions. Is not there a contradiction between Brahmin and a Thakur or a Kayastha or a Bania. Differences are bound to happen in a diverse society and they will be there in the Dalit Bahujan also as they are among the upper castes also. However, contradictions would always be used to divide the Dalit Bahujan masses to fulfill the grand agenda of the brahmanical elites in India and therefore Baba Saheb Ambedkar said, ‘ As long as oppressed classes do not turn to ruling classes, internal contradictions would remain.

Hinduism is a Political Theory

Again, an important point expressed in the book is that Hinduism is not a religion but a political theory. Some people differentiate between Hindutva and Hinduism for they believe the idea of Hindutva was propagated by Vir Savarkar while Hinduism, they feel, is essentially a very tolerant religion. This is historically inaccurate and incorrect for various reasons. One, Hinduism as such is not a religion but essentially meant to address the people living in India, a name was given by the Mughal invaders. Originally, it was Varnashram dharma, a religion based on caste and colour. But in real terms it is a political theory as mentioned by V.R.Rajshekar quoting profusely to Baba Saheb’s writings, as define our civil laws and is aimed at controlling our freedom, our social and cultural life. This institutionalization has made every working masses totally depended on Brahmins to get social legitimacy.

How do you abolish caste system? Academics over simplify them in terms of education, urbanisation or industrialisation and inter-caste marriages. The author brilliantly exposes all the three. Education as he rightly points out is ‘an instrument of oppression in the hands of ruling classes to retain its dominations over its subjects. Secondly, caste is not just confined to rural India but also to urban India and therefore caste clashes would only strengthen the Dalit-Bahujan’s determination to understand and strengthen their caste identities. Inter caste marriages have not taken place yet. Most of the marriages are one like the Brahmins girl marrying elite Dalit mens who are either government servants or politicians. They is not really inter caste marriages as marriages at local levels and village levels have not been possible. So these cases may be termed as rarest of rare despite various interest factors involved in it.

Urbanisation and industrialization has not really helped the Dalit Bahujans as it might have helped in other countries. The caste struggle would ultimately lead to revolution and rightfully the author suggests that Marxian dialectics of class has to be modified in Indian terms replacing it with caste. Another important point that the author mention is that urbanization in India has pushed the Dalit Bahujan to further brink unlike other countries where urbanization is considered to be a better option for replacing the old feudal system but in India urbanization is creating new slums. It is hitting the Dalit Bahujan rock hard.


Qualities of a True Ambedkarite

While speaking strongly for caste identities the author feel that an enlightened Ambedkarite must rise above the narrow caste interests. Dr Ambedkar always felt proud to be born in a Mahar community but his struggles and fight was for all the downtrodden communities. Can any one say that he fought for Mahars? The point that the author wanted to make is that every community is today seeking its space under the sun. The communities have to do that because otherwise they will be thoroughly marginalized. They go the other way because their aspirations are not fulfilled. Aim of strengthening caste identities is not to divide the Dalit Bahujan’s movement but to strengthen it. Basically with in ourself, there has to be a proportionate representation. Every caste has a history and they are tracing that history and it is good they are doing it. As Baba Saheb, no community can move forward which remains isolated and unknown to its history. So author want caste identities to eliminate the brahmanical system and wish every Dalit Bahujan individual to rise about the petty caste considerations which is the essence of is thesis.


Religion never unites

The author has come out very candidly that only Buddhism can unite the Dalit masses. It was the message of Baba Saheb to dalits to embrace the righteous path of Buddha. Rightly, he suggests that religion has never been uniting factor. Hinduism is nothing but caste and once caste are abolished Hinduism will be eliminated. Similarly despite conversion to Christianity, the Dalits still remain the Dalits. They are not allowed to join the churches of upper castes. Marriages are exclusively caste based. Even Islam has been unable to unite people. Pakistan came into being in the name of Islam but what happened. Bengali Muslims refused to believe the Punjabi Muslims as Baba Saheb has said, ‘ Religion can help to produce justice with in a community. Religion cannot produce justice between the communities. The call of nation and the call of community has proved more powerful than the call of religion for justice’.

Recently on a trip to Uganda, I was shocked to see that even outside India, people are unable to leave their castes. I met a few Indian Sikhs in a Gurudwara called a Ramgarhia Gurudwara in Kampala and most of those who come here are Dalit Sikh. A Dalit woman told me that there is a separate Gurudwara for Jat Sikhs. Similarly, there were several temples among the Gujaratis. A Ugandan friend Deo who is chairman Uganda Humanist Association blamed Indian to be confined to their caste interest and color conscious. So despite same religion, it is the caste which has been dominating factor.

Political Participation is essential to tame the Hindutva

In Uttar-Pradesh BSP has experimented one thing today. Brahmins and other upper castes have joined the party and became ministers and senior bureaucrats. There is hardly any Dalit officer close to Mayawati in charge of her office in Lucknow, which is a shocking reality. Now, most of these upper castes have joined the BSP without losing their identity. Whether they agree to the mission of Baba Saheb or not is not their concern. They joined BSP to save their interest and use this opportunity to strengthen them. Strengthening caste identity should not mean that we forget the racist nature of Hindu society. Strengthening caste identity does not mean that we follow the system given by the Brahmins and which was termed by Baba Saheb as graded inequality. It is this graded inequality injected the Manusmriti which has resulted in Brahmin playing the sole arbitrator of our disputes. It is this graded inequality, which does not allow the caste to come together. It is therefore important that caste identities are treated as per and used in terms of different ethnic identities and not a basis of exploitation, which has rightly been condemned by the author. The caste identities are strengthening our democratic process. I remember talking to a Muslim activist from Iran who was exiled. When I spoke her as why they not talk about each religion and target Islam only. I talked to her about Hindutva and the answer she gave was that India has such diversity of Gods, and Goddesses and caste and communities that it would be difficult for any one to impose one set of rules and laws. It is true that this diversity of caste and region has saved India from going to fascist way. Take for example the recent elections. Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Rajasthan have strong Hindu undercurrent and violence against the minorities is very high in these states. While the state such as Uttar-Pradesh and Bihar have not seen much violence against minorities after the post Mandal transformation. Why? The answer is simple. The Dalit Bahujans in UP and Bihar knows well that the Muslims and Christians are their blood brothers. These political understandings of Dalit and Muslims have kept the Hindutva far away from revival. But in Gujarat, Rajsthan and Madhya Pradesh, there is very little assertion of Dalit Bahujan therefore they have become favorite hunting ground of the Hindutva. The Dalit and Bahujan are not proud of their community identity in these states. They are not politically mobile and there are no efforts to organize them at the ground level therefore giving the forces of Hindutva a free hand to hit at minorities.

Non-assertion of communities and apoliticisation has killed this aspiration to share power. As mentioned earlier, the Hindutva forces are powerful where the Dalit Bahujan have no political assertion and where they are hiding their own identities. Identity could be used to oppress and identity is the best tool in democracy to assert. In the past few years who are the communities dying of hunger and starvation? From my personal work among them, I can say, they are Mushahars, Bansfors, Kols, nomads, and tribals. Now, why are they dying of hunger? Because there is no assertion among these communities. Here their Jati become a symbol of oppression. They are oppressed because of non-assertion and non-political representation. In the absence of political assertion and representation, the religious thugs go and do the ‘charity’ work. Charity is never done to provide any body rights but to demean a community. The brahmanical charity can feed them for a few days but make them hate their identities.

It is here that caste thesis of VT Rajsekar is important. How do we ensure that even these minorities get a share in power structure? If we can provide them a share in our political structure and social structure on the basis of his population, it will ultimately give way for a social cohesion of Dalit Bahujan. Democracy is not majoritarian rule but it must ensure the minorities that they are safe and have space in mainstream structure. The minority among the Dalits remains unrepresented and therefore disgusted. This disgust is used by the upper castes easily to put them in fight against their own brethrens and therefore it is essential that while we strengthen caste identities we must condemn caste system and exploitation based on caste. We must not allow the brahmanical techniques to ruin the Dalit Bahujan Unity.

V T. Rajshekar’s book is an important milestone in caste debate. It has broken many myths and it has to be taken further. The important mention is caste as a nation. He has also broken the myth of nation hood and suggested that in the storm of Dalit Bahujan if the rights of a Brahmins are being denied, a true Ambedkarite would have to stand for the human rights of the individual. While, from the title of the book it looks as if the author is promoting rabid casteism yet reading it gives refreshing ideas.

Today when caste groups are behaving in primitive ways, I am sure an individual has to be saved from those who want to decide about every thing in the name of community identity. Despite caste identities, individuals take different route and go beyond their castes, and therefore become an issue in the communities. We have seen how the Hindutva gangs have terrorized the youths who married in different communities. Caste identities are good to assert and linkage to our culture and a way to stop the march of the Hindutva but at the same time they cannot be allowed to behave in the brahmanical fashion to decide about our future. That would be the most dangerous part. As I mention caste identity must not be allowed to oppress and exploit. If caste identities are based on equality, I am sure there will be more inter community marriages in future but if they remain confine to their self made beliefs that one is higher than the others, the greatest ‘gift’ the notorious Brahmins gave, then I am afraid mere assertion of identities will only strengthen the brahmanical system, though it may eliminate Brahmins as a community and might be replaced by others but at the end the ideas thrown by the Brahmins would always remain intact. The author has himself suggested that we must eliminate caste system based on hierarchical values of the Manu Smriti and once we do it, all the caste will be equal even when they have diverse profession and then there would be no violence even if two individuals crosses their own community line to get married. This is an excellent book and the debate must go further including the democratic rights of an individual with in the castes and how castes should follow their own customs and traditions leaving the dependence on Brahmins for every rituals. That would ultimately eliminate the brahmanical domination in our daily life.

Caste: a nation with in the Nation
recipe for a bloodless revolution
Author: V.T.Rajshekar
Published by Books for Change, Banglore
Rs 140/-
Pp : 121
Available in Hindi also.