Secularism at stake : Need to isolate religious rights

Revivalism of religious rights is a challenge to democratic secular constitution

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat

Immediately after the Delhi bomb blast, the police as usual, claimed to have cracked the case by arresting several people in a raid at Batla House, in the South Delhi’s Jamia Nagar area. Vice Chancellor of Jamia Milia Islamia, Mushir-ul-Hasan, who was seen to be a villain in the community on his forthright comment on the prohibition of ‘ Satanic Verses’, became a hero as soon as he decided that the University would provide all the legal assistance to the alleged terrorists who were student of the University. While ‘seculars’ have applauded the case, the Hindutva affiliates are up in arm against this, terming it unconstitutional as well as appeasement of the Muslims.

I am not entering into this debate on what is right and what is wrong as some people have decided to become judgmental terming one community always wrong while other always feel that it is victimized without introspecting our own self. Prof. Mushirul Hasan recently said in a meeting in Delhi as why should Muslim always be answerable to everything that is happening around them. He was actually saying that why do we expect Muslims only to react when there are bomb blasts or there is a Fatwa. His question was that the debate liberal verses fundamentalist Muslims is a sham and nobody ever think of other communities in the same way. Have we ever talked of a liberal Hindu verses communal one? That question would not arise as the upper caste Hindus are always perceived to be liberal one. Prof Hasan suggests as why should Muslims in India be responsible for whatever happening elsewhere? Ofcourse, Muslims of India are not responsible for whatever is happening in Bangladesh, Pakistan or any other ‘Islamic’ country but definitely they can speak against the treatment that minorities gets in these countries. Let us not speak about ordinary Muslim who is working harder for his survival in this country but why should those who champion the cause of Muslims remain mute to such things. Are we so naïve to say that there is nothing common in South Asia and we remained neutral to things happening in our neighborhood even when majority of us have relations in Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal, Bhutan as well as Sri-Lanka. If the things in our neighbors do not affect us then Karunanidhi and entire Tamilnadu should not have felt the jitters because of the conditions of Tamils prevailing in Sri-Lanka.

Now, the debate revolves around the students who were picked up by the police as well as the encounter that was carried out by the Delhi police in Batla House. It is extremely unfortunate that today’s embedded media do not give the other side of the story. This CNNisation of the news and later pontification by the editors on their own story is a bit too much to digest. Much worst is the case when ‘breaking news’ appears and a reporter gets ‘confession’ from the ‘terrorist’. If we accept police confessions as the proof then why the Indian media and agencies are afraid of not accepting the same when an Indian prisoner in Pakistan confessed his hand in bombing.

Unfortunately, we are in the midst of an information war. Whether it is the Islamic sites or the Hindu fascists, every one is speaking to their own converts. And the biggest casualty here is the truth and freedom. Fact of the matter is that in this game of religious war, the common man, the poor and the women are at the receiving end. All talks of reforms are closed down as the main threat is then perceived from outside the community.

It is unfortunate that a legal aid given to a person is considered against the nation. One can disagree on the nature of support but one can not deny right to defense to those ‘alleged terrorists’. Ofcourse, I would hate it if people like Mulayan, Advani and Amar Singh jumps into the fray and sing the chorus. The political degeneration of the country is so much that none is going to believe in the truth. Hence every community should be vary of these power hungry politicians who are selling the country to the private parties, engineering communal and caste riots and then coming with great ideas for a secular idea. Sorry, in the state of affair, the credibility of our political class is so low that it gives strength to fundamentalist forces as they appear better than others. People easily ignore that corruption and dishonesty is not just in financial term but also in the ideological form.

As the elections season approaches we will witness continuous violence against the minorities in the country. Muslims are already in the receiving end and now the Christians are also being targeted systematically. The Hindutva propagandists have planned every thing well in advance and how to describe each of their action which has one agenda in different forms. The Muslims therefore are easily described as ‘terrorists’, suited to each one of us in India after George Bush’s notorious Islamic Fascism and ‘ either with us or our enemy’ statements. Christians, the blue eyed boy of Indian establishment are now at the receiving end. Despite churning out best Brahmins of the Hindutva brand today, the Christians face the dilemma of the political system in India. Surely, evangelism is part of Christianity but definitely there will always be violence on such cases as Hindutva’s targeting Christians is a threat to freedom and liberty of choosing one’s faith. It threaten the Dalits indirectly to be ware of such conversion to either to Christianity or Islam, else you will meet with the same fate.

Yet, Orissa’s violence can undoubtedly be termed as ethnic cleansing of the Christian minorities. That Sangh’s goons are roaming around, preaching hatred and killing people at their will shows how the Navin Patnayak’s administration has failed to protect the hapless Christians who happened to be Dalits. The Sangh parivar and its offshoot organizations have organized their hatred in the tribal dominated areas. From the very beginning the Sangh says that Lakshmananda was not killed by the Maoists despite their claim. Ofcourse, most of those who have been following such violence know that Maoists rarely make such claims and counter claim and in this case their claims are also surprising. Nevertheless, the government of Orissa’s pathetic helplessness reflects a mindset which gives an almost free hand to RSS and its affiliates to do things at their will.

Union Home Minister Shiv Raj Patil and his two colleagues have been miserable for the country. Patil had lost his Latur seat and was awarded the plum ministry for his loyalty to Gandhi family. If he was an efficient man, nobody would have objected to his cooption in the Ministry but he seems to be a Minister for nothing. Such sensitive department can not be left to just personal loyalists as country would have to pay a price for it.

If the home ministry had been strong enough to take action in each of these issues, the Sangh Parivar and its goons could not have got such freedom to assault any one at their will. Patil represent at best the duality of Congress party in dealing with the communal elements. Congress, which actually was a representative body of a majority of diverse Indian communities once upon a time despite its Brahmanical character slid in the decimation after 1980s as Indira Gandhi started using the upper caste Hindu sentiments and the first call was Congress’s role in subsequent elections in Jammu and Kashmir and then operation Blue Star in June 1984, when the government ordered Army assault at the Harmandir Saheb. It mobilized the Hindu population of the country despite the fact that Sikh were completely marginalized. None had bothered to wipe the tears of those Sikh families who became victim of this marginalization.

But the rulers have understood well that by making mockery of law and vilifying one community, you can easily come close to power and therefore there is always a danger in India which is the entry of brahmanical supremacy through various doors. Through, the Hindutva propaganda and vicious violence against minorities, through the congress in action which allow the Hindutva lunatics to carry on their threat to minorities and Congress than proclaiming their sole protector and thirdly, through the state apparatus which has completely been Hinduised in the name of terrorism and goes by the same way as have inherited from the British and finally through secular platform which look different from Congress but a motley group of disgruntled politicians mainly from the upper caste Hindu background, secularism for whom means sitting with an Imam Bukhari or some Holy priests who can cry against the Indian state and the government of the day . Secularism has other vanguards also in India. Whenever these things happen, we see the same faces at one platform swearing in the name of secularism and protecting ‘minorities’. Deve Gowda, the other day, said how much pained he was on the happenings against the minorities. One should have asked him the question if he had thought beyond his son’s interest in Karnataka state, BJP would not have played havoc with them. Yeren Naidu was there who had no words for the Sangh parivar and their activist. Rather, his focus was how Congress had engineered communal riots in Andhra. Mulayam Singh and Amar Singh are now the biggest champion of secularism as Bombay’s king Bal Thackeray has asked for a ban on Samajwadi party and asking Amar Singh to leave India. Amar Singh’s greatest friend and brother Amitabh Bachchan is one of the best friends of the Thackrays so one does not know what kind of ideology they belong to. So far, Indian secularism has always been of pampering communities through bad examples like issue of terrorism, uniform civil code, Shariat and so on. None of them have time to feel that secularism is participation in nation building and socio-cultural political life of the country. And therefore, any one who believes in secularism, must feel convinced that Muslims are one of the most vulnerable communities in India at the moment. A majority of them live in poverty, malnutrition and deep insecurity. There is a hidden biasness against them in the government and even in the secular circles. If the secular parties were so much concern including Mr Mulayam Singh and Deve Gowda, they should have been more worried about the common Muslims and not with the issues of giving certificate who is a terrorist and who is not. Instead, one would have thanked to ensure fair participation of Muslims in our administration, in police and paramilitary forces, in our industries as well as civil services. Alas, our politician would never venture to think as why Muslim participation in our power structure is reducing and that it need redressed. As long as this happen, only the caste Hindus will be the leaders of Muslims in the name of secularism and those Muslims who do not believe in these fundamentalist leaders will either be termed as liberals or terrorists.

India’s basic problem lies in this certification of what is terrorism and what is not. While the Advani and company want every Muslim to be arrested and hanged for the ‘blasphemy’ of challenging the Indian state, the Indian ‘secular’ parties and political activists, seems to have lost faith in the political structure. And in this, the fundamentalist grains the most because those who do not believe in democracy and secular values are actually the biggest beneficiary of the secular state.

The threat to Indian statehood is bigger and vital but the response has been mute and reactionary. Rather than proactive, it is becoming more in the form of symbols and so called unity of all the reactionaries who are outside the brahmancial reactions. So, it is becoming a fight between the Hindu reactionaries and all other reactionaries who do not like them. Can India survive a fight between different reactionaries? Where will be the common person and her interest? All these reactionaries are opposed to basic human rights, whether right to livelihood, right to choice and right to abort. They preach gospels and are against individual freedom and right to question religion.

Yes, these reactionaries only feed each other. They cry against the other except questioning their own misdeeds. The state of India has become a virtual enslave to these religious heads. It would have been greater if the Hindus, Muslims, Dalits, Sikhs, Christians demand for secular laws and secular values san the fundamentalist leaders. The longer the leadership goes to the religious fanatics pretending peace mongers, the more dangerous the entire issue of diversity. These priests actually do not fight a political battle but a battle of religious supremacy. They know the weaknesses of others but not ready to discuss their own issues. They scuttle all kind of reforms with in the communities and therefore this war of various religious identities in India is going to defeat people’s movement for reform. Secular groups must be vary of this and join hand in such a war where a common man can challenge the religious head of the community and even question him.

The other day, a few members of the catholic community met at Advani’s house. Some of them ‘discussed’ the growing tension between different religious and the answer was Advani’s condemnation of the rape of the nun. Are things so simple as our priests think? The goons of Sangh Parivar have been active in Orissa and they need to be tackled administratively by the government but here the Christian priests showing their spine to Advani and he in term is talking a dialogue between different communities. The problem is what is an administrative problem has been made a national problem and an ideological fight on the secular vision is completely been termed as communal problem. The hoodlums of the Hindutva are roaming free, taking course of action which they like and finally the political patronage.

It is important to understand the current crisis in India is self created by the Hindutva protagonists which in turn strengthen the similar forces elsewhere as the religious heads take over as the leader of the community. Now, one should ask the government what is the need to discuss about what happened in Adilabad. A shameful and most atrocious incident happened in Andhra Pradesh when a Muslim family of six was burnt alive by the Hindu militants and nothing happened. It is tragic that the government seems to be sleeping and the incidents just passed as we see so much from the secular gangs about Batla house simply because the things happened in Delhi and you make a good news but why we keep quiet on what happened in Adilabad which should have put all of us to shame and shock.

Many of our friends say that Muslims do not need to speak all the time. Why not? We all need to speak all the time against fundamentalism. Muslims are no exception. If we do not speak the space will be taken over by the fundamentalists gangs who need some enemies to fight with and if there is no enemy they will create one.

After the Batala House incident, a well known TV anchor wrote an article asking Muslims to ponder over as why they need to support terrorists when Jamia Milia teachers decided to speak. In democracy, we all need to be vigilant and if an incident like Batla House can happen in Delhi, you can not imagine what happen in other parts of the country. Indian media as well as activist-politicians are treading dangerous path. Here people are already being declared as terrorists according to their religion and hence none of the media person will dare to call Bajrang Dal a terrorist organization. Advani is a nationalist, so is Thackeray and others but if other do the same; they will be branded and questioned. But the interesting news has just appeared in the Indian Express today when for the first time the mainstream media has reported in its front paged item that behind the Malegaon and other blasts, the police believe the hand of Hindu Jagarn Manch. ( Indian Express, Delhi October 23, 2008). I am sure the next day there will be many ifs and buts and not all Hindus would be declared as ‘terrorists’. Question is why the entire community should be vilified for the act of a few if they happen to be from the community. Indian media and society will have to ponder over this before putting any question.

Normally, these ‘liberal’ Hindus are more dangerous. Often they put question as ‘we accept that every Muslim is not a terrorist but why every terrorist is a Muslim’. This question is often asked to me and my answer is simple. It depends on your definition. You have not called people who can burn a family in Adilabad or Ahemedabad as terrorist. You have not called those who raped the nun and killed her as terrorist. You do not call who start his Rathyatra with a trail of blood behind it, as terrorist. You do not even stop him from becoming a prominent minister. You talk of morality but for others as you have information and media with you.

Yes, we are living in time when each one of us is passive about our own issues and about own communities. We have documents, truths and everything about our communities. We want to sale that victimization mindset. And it is here we are getting nowhere. Those who do not read history will always misinterpret it as we only believe in what our forefathers have told us. That is the beginning of fundamentalism and radicalism in our self. Therefore the Hindu liberal intellect would always say as why no Muslim country is either secular or democratic. It wont understand that in Algeria and Turkey the military had always intervened to stop a democratically elected government in the name of secularism. That the Islamic fundamentalist groups had been winning elections in these countries providing ample fuel to ‘secular’ army to intervene in the interest of the nation. Can we think of such an intervention in India to stop the likes of Narendra Modi in the interest of the country? Why should the same journalists, writer ignore the vital fact that the secular regimes in the middle eastern countries were dictatorial in nature resulting in religious revivalism fully supported by the American regimes to counter the former Soviet regimes.

It is important to understand the issues in wider perspectives and not be judgmental simply because somebody has got a newspaper and a channel in his hand. Media, academics as well as activists in India need lot of introspection. We simply do not speak on issues but are divided on communities line, both simply justifying their own positions. None of them dare to speak and support the dissent with in their own communities. As most of our communities want to listen to only those ideas which they have been conditioned and writers and activist know that and therefore vilify others. The biggest victim of this calumny is free thought and human rights which are perhaps still far cry with in each of these communities. Our state just represents our existing mindset. Why should we pretend that a democratic India is secular India also? The dirt in the name of secularism need to be cleaned first. Those who take shelter in the name of secularism need to believe in its perception and practice otherwise India is heading for a Afghanistan kind of a situation where we all will be speaking for our respective communities and not for those whose rights are violated and dignity challenged. It is a grave challenge and we must think it over. Give a space to common man please do not make the religious thugs an alternative to what is happening among us. A country victim of religious hatred can not look again to the mindsets who have concealed hatred in their heart and pretended smiles on their faces when they meet for a photo session.

Another Nandigram in making

Chengara’s Dalit-Adivasis call to restore their fundamental rights

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat

Bharathi Sreedharan could not resist taking risk on her life through dense forest as her children suffered in hunger and starvation in the Chengara village which has been unconstitutionally and unethically blocked by the trade union gangs of all the political parties including the ruling CPI(M) in Kerala. Her agonizing face reflected the happenings inside the village as for more than two months; it is completely cut off from rest of the country. No outsider is allowed to venture into the village and no villager is allowed to come out of it. CPM’s goons attack people from the buses once they recognize that they have sympathies with Chengara people. Many families are on the verge of hunger death if in the next few days no arrangement of food supply is done. ‘They want us to get out of the place but we are determined, says Bharathi, we won’t allow them to take over the place. We are ready to face any eventuality’. We are ready to die for the cause of our children’.

Bharathi came hiding to get some ration from her brother. When the road is blocked from all the way, it is possible only through walking around 10 kilometers in the forest to come and reach the office and wait for him to be there at Laha Gopalan’s office who is the leader of ‘ Sadhu Jan Vimochana Samyukta Vedi’, the organization fighting for the land and livelihood rights of the Dalits and Adivasis in Chengara. It is remarkable that people have united in this struggle and are determined to sacrifice their lives for the land. Interestingly, it is for the first time, that Kerala is witnessing an assertive emerging Dalit Adivasi struggle independent of the influence of dominating communities irrespective of religion.

Gopalan hails from a trade union back ground as he worked in Electricity department and now swears by the legacy of both Baba Saheb Ambedkar and Ayyankali, another Dalit revolutionary from Kerala. The semi constructed office in Pattthanamthittha is a place where all the Dalit-Advasis in the Chengara struggle come and stay. According to Laha Gopalan, they ventured into the area some fourteen months back, as it was legally a government land which should have gone to the landless Dalit-Adivasis of Kerala. The government of Kerala was never interested in the land reform and whatever happened in the name of land reform was eyewash. The tragedy is that there are villages where the Dalits do not have land for even cremating their people. The issue of Dalits and tribal has been neglected by the national and state level parties and hence we decided to make our own destiny.

About 10 kilometer away towards Tiruwala lives the big family of Sabu who are five brothers. Each brother has a big family of his own to support. They have no land. Sabu and his wife have small tea shop. The number of children in the family and the small kitchen that they have for their survival tell the story as how the successive Kerala governments failed to give land to the Dalits. ‘ Sabu was happy that Chengara’s vast track could have provided him a source of independent living and some land for agriculture work. He went there with other families. The real assault came from the trade unions this year when people refused to leave their land. ‘ The union felt that they can coerce us to accept their issues but at the moment people are ready to die. They will commit mass suicide if police and other forces are sending to evict them. We are not ready to accept anything less than a decent land package for our children’, say Sabu. He adds that situation is worsening as there is no food, no water and no sanitation in the entire area. Particularly, it is becoming difficult for children and elderly people to stay. Because of the blockade, we can not provide emergency treatment to any of the villagers as vehicles are not allowed and there is every chance of a bloody fight if we come in touch with the trade union people. Children are facing the malnutrition as there is nothing to eat and drink. We can not go to market to buy milk and rice. Moreover, because of no work in the past two months, there is no money to buy anything’.

How come he is here in the village. ‘ Sir, the union people allowed us 5 days leaves during the Onam festivities. We were allowed to move in and out and hence I came here. I have overstayed here and hence it is difficult to go there because of blockade’. I can not speak to my relatives and friends there, I am really worried as if food is not provided to people soon, they will start dying soon. I am concerned about children and elderly people. They are completely cut off from the rest of the world. It is shameful.’

The seize of Chengara went off well until one day the government which was keen to revive its lease to Harrison Plantation decided that the Dalit and Adivasis could only be evicted if they push it through other routs which is ‘right to live’ issue of the 70 odd plantation workers who were working there. The issue is the Chengara’s tea plantation was already defunct years ago and hence to blame the current situation for the crisis is absolutely wrong. Harrison Plantation cannot use these 70 workers as a shield to deny land rights of the people. The tactics they adopted are fascistic in nature as from the August this year, the situation worsened after the plantation trade union and CPM in particular started blockade. Now the parties have not only used the local tea plantation trade unions but people have been invited from other parts of the state also against the landless people. All the ways going to Chengara were blocked by the party men and no material including medical aid was allowed to go into the village. Only allowance given to people was during ONAM festivities when the blockade was lifted for 5 days to let the people celebrate the festival. But after that the blockade has become functional and harsher and it might turn into a bloody war. Now the situation has gone out of hand. People inside the Chengara area have no source of livelihood; there is no supply of food and water. Some Muslim youth organizations of the area wanted to send rice for the families but but never allowed to do so. It is violation of their rights to food and free from hunger. The state government has shamelessly allowed the situation to go out of hand which has given strength to the trade unions.

It is unfortunate that in this war against their Dalits and tribal the organized gang of the trade union is taking action irrespective of ideology. It is a rare combination of how the upper caste communists and the Hindutva people can come together to wipe out the legitimate demands of the Dalits and tribals. The duplicity of the CPM’s idea comes that the same party launch movement for restoration of land in Andhra Pradesh but want to say that all the Dalits and tribals who have now settled in Chengara are encroachers. Perhaps they have forgotten their own slogan of ‘ Jo jameen sarkari hai, woh jameen hamari hai ( the government land is our land. Land struggles historically invoked this slogan. Harrison Plantation Company did not have legal rights to the acquired land. The lease expired long back. The dalits and tribal who did not get benefited under any programme of the government rightfully acquired the land and asked the government to redistribute it to them. How come the communist government of Kerala kept quiet and turned hostile to Dalits who have just extended the slogan what the communist parties have been raising every where else except in the states they have been ruling. Is it because this land struggle is first of its kind being led by the Dalits and have organized both the Dalits and tribal together in the state.

Dalits have been asking the government to allot them land. In 2006 in the Patthanamthitta district after five days struggle in the government land of rubber plantation area, the land was given to the Dalits on the papers only. Many people are still trying to find where there land is which was given to them on papers by the state government. Says, Raghu, one of the members of the Solidarity Committee, ‘we do not want papers, we want land’.

Patthanamthitta is a district about 60 kilometers from Kottayam, the heart of the Syrian Christian, the original brahmanical convert to Christianity. About 40 kilometer from the town is the heart of Ayappa, the Hindu God. The land relations here are different as the dominant community here is the upper caste Christians. What their role is in the entire struggle of the Dalits, I ask Raghu. ‘ Oh, like any other feudal, the Syrian Christians also are not interested in the battle of Dalits. Dalits here have separate churches for them.’ The Solidarity Committee members like Simon John, who is also Chairman of Backward People Development Corporation, Kerala concede that the original Brahmin converts to Christianity have not left their old prejudices in the Church and therefore are not very keen in supporting the movement of the Dalits and tribal in Chengara. Like the CPM cadre, many of them too feel that the Dalits and tribal have ‘encroached’ the government land, though it is another matter that they all forgot that Harrison Plantation has been the biggest encroacher and was overstaying at the place. It is also shocking that Kerala did not have substantial land reform and all talks of a Kerala module in the developmental text books are big farce if one visit the rural areas of Kerala and speak to Dalits and tribals. A lot is written about Kerala model as a state. Recently a friend wrote to me from London about casteless, dowerless society in Kerala. Yes, I said, Kerala’s caste prejudices are hidden underneath like West Bengal since the first thing the communist regime does is to stop the export of information to outside world. More importantly since a large number of writers and authors actually have been sympathetic to the CPM’s policies with upper caste mindset, they do not really expose the Kerala myth. It was not just Bengal, Tatas have huge track of land in Kerala in the name of tea gardens and plantation. One should not forget that great Dalit revolutionary Ayyankali emerged in Kerala to fight for the rights of Dalits. It is not for nothing that both Patthanmthitta and Trivendram represent two different kind of dominations that Kerala has : the Christian domination and the Hindu domination. Both these upper elites interest are against the rights of the Dalits and other marginalized communities. They remain caged to their old prejudiced worldview.

Laha Gopalan is a determined man. He has seen the traumas of the Dalit communities in the villages where they do not even have land for funeral leave alone for education and houses. ‘ The political parties, both at the national and state level have betrayed the cause of the Dalits and tribal,’ he says. ‘ We started our struggle when people failed to get land by any request. We found that there is no land to them and the government wanted to further the lease at the area which was being used by the Dalits and tribal. Our historic struggle started last year as 7000 people captured the area and started living there. One should have expected that the communist parties which have raised the slogans of ‘ jo jameen sarkari hai, wo jameen hamari hai, ( Government land is our land) today are strangely at the other end. There is no hope in the sight as the trade unions are determined to take law in their own hand and kill people with chief minister virtually becoming a ‘Dhritrastra’.

Says Laha Gopalan, ‘ when we started our first struggle the government termed that they were genuine demands. In June 2006 about 5000 families were living in another plantation area when the revenue minister interfered and promised them land. Chief Minister Achutanandan promised about 1 acre land to each family of the landless but nothing happened. Since August 4, 2007, there are over 7000 families and the government has so far neglected their demand. The unions have surrounded the area and are beating people who are showing solidarity. The lives of the solidarity committee members are in deep threat in the area. They are being identified in the buses, taxis and even in the press conferences and targeted.’

‘ Even in the war zones people allow doctors and medical teams to visit the victims but here the goons of CPM and other trade unions have denied that too to the people,’ says Simon John. They are not allowing the food supply in the village. There is a hunger and starvation situation prevailing in the ‘samarbhoomi’ and one person is already dead due to hunger. It is violation of people’s right to life’, add John. ‘ We are deeply disturbed at the turn of events as government and political parties led by the upper castes are not at all bothered about the growing marginalization of the communities says another activist in Patthanamthittha.

Is it not strange and ironical that CPM and other communist parties who have been in the forefront of agitation against any kind of exploitation in the organized sector do not find that the landless people in Chengara are struggling for a genuine cause? The party leaders termed the entire struggle as unwanted and felt that the local goons and land mafias have taken over the Chengara land struggle. Ofcourse, Party’s anti Dalit stand is visible anywhere. One does not blame the top leadership of the party for being anti Dalit as it would be too much to blame but definitely party’s local leaders are not really that radical Dalit supporters as they should have been. CPM for that matter is like any other political party ( we wanted it remained a different political party) whose cadres hail from dominant communities and serve their local interest as we have seen in West Bengal and how the party remained mute to the displacement of about 700 Valmiki families in Belilius Park in Howarah several years back. Today, party’s proud MPs have made use of the entire space for private properties and shops. Ofcourse, the poor Balmikis never got support from any other Bhadralok parties in Bengal and living in Bengal in highly uncivilized and unacceptable conditions near the waste-mountains, on sewerage lines and on the railway tracks. Similar thing happen in Kerala where the Dalits and Adivasis of Chengara have not got support from any other political outfits. That gives strength to fascistic tendencies of the ruling party and their leaders. But the fact is this nationalism of the communist parties is more dangerous. Our problems with the Hindutva fascist is that we know that they are against the people but when the so called leaders of the proliterariat start behaving neo Hindutvavadis then situation need special remedial measures otherwise people’s frustration would explode soon.

Chengara’s land struggle is historical. It shows that people can not really depend on government dole out for land. Political parties in connivance with the defunct industrial houses are keeping people landless. New landlessness is on the rise. Courts are being used as an excuse to evict people. The marginalized have understood this and are ready to fight till end. If the government of Kerala think it is wrong, let it come out in open and say that they oppose people’s movement for land right. The government cannot use trade unions and other goons to threaten people and evict them. Life in Chengara has become miserable and any further delay will turn Chengara into another Nandigram. The situation in Chengara would become more dangerous and bloody if the government does not behave responsibly. All national and international rights bodies should take care of this note that denying people free movement is denying them right to choice and livelihood. Kerala government has failed to protect Chengara’s Dalits and Adivasis right to move free from one place and other. The inhuman blockade has created unprecedented situation where children and elderly people in Chengara are suffering. Any further delay would escalate the crisis and only government of Kerala would be held responsible for this. The government must act fast and negotiate with the struggling masses of Chengara. The trade union blockade is unconstitutional and illegal and must be removed immediately as it violate the fundamental rights of the people living there who are victim of the criminal silence of the government and civil society.

Battleground Kanjhawla : History in the making..

Delhi’s farmers ready for a do or die battle against land Acquisition


By Vidya Bhushan Rawat


Delhi is preparing itself for the Commonwealth games 2010. High rise buildings, glitzy malls, broad roads, world class metro and an industrial hub, Delhi government has gone out of way to attract investors and acquire land for all these purposes. Very few would be aware of the fact is that Delhi is not just a city which was destroyed and built on seven occasions. Delhi is history of India, a city of diversity adds uniqueness to its culture. Amidst all this, Delhi’s villages too have an important role. The fertile land on the banks of Yamuna is now where we have the big concrete structure. Delhi’s urban space was eating the rural life of Delhi. For keeping Delhi’s environment clean and green, the government threw away the industries from the city, prohibited the diesel plying busses and switched the entire public transport to CNG. Unfortunately, the top brass in the government failed to understand that if they want to make Delhi a clean and green city, it can not come at the cost of decimating the villages in and around Delhi. In fact just last year, Delhi high court had asked the government to maintain its rural character where ever possible. When clean and fresh air are need of the hour so that Delhi does not suffocate, why has the authorities decided that villages in Delhi do not need them.

The lush green fields of Kanjhawla and other villages in the northwest districts of Delhi are facing the threat of acquisition for the industrial purposes. That Delhi’s redundant industries should be relocated here has send shock wave among the farming community whose main source of livelihood is agriculture. The DDA notified the area for acquisition in 2005 without ever consulting the local people as if their consent was not required. It is strange that ‘my land is being acquired but I am not even being asked whether I am interested in selling it or not, thundered Kalawati, a farmer woman who is ready to die for the cause of the land their ancestors have given to them. ‘ I am Laxmi Bai and even if our males do not have the courage to fight the battle, I will fight it with other women’, says Kalawati. ‘ We are not interested in your projects. We are farmers. We know farming and these companies are not there to take care of us. Once we get the money, that would be finished in two three years, what will happen after that.’

More than 1400 acre of land is being acquired for this industrialization purposes. The compensation being given was much below the market price. ‘ Market price are much higher than what is being offered to us, said a Bharatiya Kisan Union’s activist, which is spearheading the movement. This government is of the corporate and working with the capitalists. Both the soldiers and farmers, two important communities that serve the nation are unhappy today. Delhi government issued notification for acquisition of 8 villages in August 2005. These 8 villages are: Kanjhawla, Bakauni, Karala, Sultanpur Dabas, Ud Khurd, Tikari kalan, Tikari Khuard, Alipur. According to Mr Bhupendra Singh Rawat, Convenor of Jan Sangharsh Vahini, one of the organizations leading the movement, the Delhi government acquired about 1400 acres of land in Bawana for 392 crore rupees but the main question is how much of money is gone to the farmers, he asks. These authorities masquerading as revenue departments are nothing but middlemen he thunders and adds that the farmers of Delhi will teach the government a lesson.

The farmers have been on peaceful protest since March 19th, 2008. Nothing moved as the movement remained confined to local populace. Jan Sangharsh Vahini and Bhartiya kisan Union joined in the struggle and gave it new direction by linking it to the other broader struggles against land acquisition including anti Special Economic Zones campaigns and the result was a through and planned protest in the area. There were sporadic protests in the forms of Chakka Jams (traffic blockades), sittings on the road but the real protest emerged from the gherao of the Delhi Vidhan Sabha on September 10th, in which about 12 people were injured in police lathicharge and 60 protesters were arrested as they tried to barge into the Vidhan Sabha ( Delhi Assembly).

As the political leadership remained silent and the power hungry bureaucrats hell bent to acquire land considering farmer’s peaceful protest as ‘spontaneous without any organization that would die an unnatural death’, the protesters decided enough is enough and now the time has come to make the final assault on the power structure. On September 11th at 1 pm more than 1,200 farmers along with their families decided to seize the office of the Deputy Commissioner (DC). An equal number of police force was there to protect the DC from being humbled yet the protest remained calm and peaceful. Everyday, activists, academics, journalists, students are coming to the Dharana site and expressing their solidarity with the farmers.


‘The Delhi High Court has imposed a fine of Rs 10,000/- on the state government for its inability to function from the DCs office. ‘This is historical event, says Bhupendra Singh Rawat, who is spearheading the movement along with other farmer organization, ‘that the Dharana is going uninturptted and has entered in the fourth week. That the district collector’s office has become Dalals, middlemen for property dealers and corporate honchos. How can a government which we elect for five years decide about the ancestral property of farmers who are there for more than several centuries. Who has given the government a right to take over the public land and distribute it to the people it want’.

Yesterday, the Delhi government started its much publicized programme of handing over ‘land certificates’ to resettlement colony people. Congress President Sonia Gandhi handed over these certificates but the farmers there created ruckus and the congress party and media blamed them for being BJP’s agent. However, at the moment, the farmers are worried about their own future and not interested in politicking the issue except that Congress party has become highly unpopular among them and it will have to pay a price for its misadventure.

The refreshing point of the entire protest is the participation of women and elderly people. The spirit that they have reflect that they are ready for a do or die battle. Chaudhury Bhim Singh Krantikari, 78 participated in the freedom movement and went to Jail on Gandhi’s call for Do or Die. They are five brothers. He has three sons and two daughters. ‘ How are we going to live without our land which is so fertile. We are farmers and are not interested in selling our mother. I fought for the country against the British but today our politicians and political class has let us down. I never thought that I would see this day when I will have to fight for my own land and sit on Dharana’, says Bhim Singh sipping his Hukka. ‘ I have deep faith in Subhash Chandra Bose and I believe time has come for us to follow his path and teach the exploiters a lesson.’

According to farmers, the current rates are enormously high in the market but the government does not want to share it with them. Moreover, once the shopping malls and industrial area becomes a reality, they would not be able to procure land and build houses for their living in the same area as the market prices would be too high. Says an activist, ‘ Can we really buy house on developed plots once it is sold given the prices that are being offered to us. We need our land back. It is reported that for one acre the market prices exorbitantly beyond reach while government gave just Rs 15 lakh per acre which has now being promised for three time more.

Western Uttar-Pradesh and Haryana have been notorious for suppression of Dalits and women. Farmers living there have more feudal in nature and there have been persistent conflict between various Dalit communities and farmers. Arya Samaj made its dent among the Jaats in this region. Today, the farmers are under the threat and are realizing the importance of realignment with the Dalits and understanding the neo liberal policies of the government which make farmers an unwanted element. Bharatiya Kisan Union of Mahendra Singh Tikait was once upon a time a strong movement but it later on became ‘guardian’ of Jats in their social-cultural programmes and lost its track. Moreover, without an effective alliance, it could not update itself to various threats that farmers are facing all over the country and became an organization confined to sugarcane and fertilizer prices. It became apathetic to demand for land reform and in fact was never ever interested in the issue of the landless agricultural workers. But over the years BKU seems to have learnt a lot and now making alliance with other movements all over the country, which are fighting for farmer’s right. Ofcourse, the Dalits will still have the problem unless the BKU and farmers reach them out. However, that is just a reflection that if this battle has to give signal to India that it is not just a battle of the elitist farmers which refuses to acknowledge the issue of the agricultural workers, then the battle would be difficult to win. Today, the capital and religion are playing lead role in India and further marginalizing the communities. Hence, a complete understanding of current crisis is necessary.

Therefore, women’s participation in the Dharana is a reminder that they are ready to take on, as Kalawati spoke passionately that we will not allow our land to be mortgaged to big companies. We will not accept less than denotification of the entire proceeding otherwise there will only be a blood bath. Initially, many friends were afraid that women’s participation would be dangerous for the unity of the community but that is an entirely defeating argument as most of the women there want to not only participate but even go beyond where their male counterparts have failed. So, the protest has in another way brought more changes in the community where the women were always in Purdah and inside their houses. Today, seeing the crisis before the community, they are ready to die on the street. Hence, the women have won their first battle in the community though one might say it is a long way to go as even coming in the street they are following the tradition with great zeal but the day is not far when they will lead the movement. When the community is in the crisis, it is time that the women folks show their strength. And here we say the fully covered women (from head to toe) were singing powerful song of going to the battle field along with male folks and will now allow their mother to be sold. Such was the passion that they asked every one to not to bend. Some of them were not really happy with their male folks. They are shouting slogan ‘ Jameen hamare aap ki, nahi kisi ke baap ki ( land belong to us and not of any body) and Land is mother for us like country and religion. Their songs run passion when they say that we will let down our male folks in their war against this illegal acquisition. ‘ We will follow them and will not lag behind in any front even if we have to remain hungry and go to Jail, whether there is blood bath or not, we will not allow the government and contractors to take over our land, which is the hard work of our ancestors and given us identity’, says a woman leader in Purdah who did not want to ‘lead’ but was ready to fight her battle with other sisters and male members of the community. We need participation in the power structure said some of them as the entire committee struggling for their rights does not have women members. It seems that elderly folks have now realized that it is important that women be given representation in the committee.

Chaudhury Harish Chandra is leader of 17 Gram Panchayats of his community. He feels that the government wants to grab our land in the name of ‘national interest’. ‘ What is national interest’. Does uprooting farmers from their habitat is national interest. Is inviting the capitalist to loot the poor innocent farmers who feed the country in the national interest?’. ‘ Both the farmers and soldiers who serve the nation are son of the soil and destroying the farming means destruction of not only farmers but soldiers also, says Harish Chandra.

On a visit to nearby Karala, another farmer who served the Indian army in various battles since 1962, 1966, and 1971, now feel betrayed by the government action. This is what we got for serving in the armed forces for the country. This government is neither for the farmers nor for the soldiers. Both are dying because of the illogical policies of the government. Chaudhury said that his green land was being termed as wasteland. ‘ We get three crop a year. Please see how green it is. I have this ‘Bhindi’ vegetable which would fetch me about a lakh rupees. Then we have the guava trees here and rice crop at the moment, how can government and these officials be so insensitive that they are unable to see our crop growing. Should we give this land. When we have not purchased this land which came to us because of the sacrifices of our ancestors what right do we have to sale. And did the government ask us as whether we are interested in selling it or not’.

Chaudhury Harish Chandra is happy with the outcome of Singur. The Singur farmers have shown that despite their poverty they fought consistently and persistently and taught TATA a lesson. We are strong community. We have fought for the country and for our community too. We will not let this battle grow. Nothing more than denotifying the entire old order. We warn the government that we are prepared for any eventuality. We are ready to face the bullets if the government want to answer us with that but we will not allow government to function. We will not allow our land to go to these mercenaries.


According to Bhupendra Rawat, Jan Sangharsh Vahini, the Delhi’s farmer struggle would go a long way to redefine the entire issue of acquisition and rehabilitation. He says let the government first denotify the entire area and then allow the farmers to have a Farmer- private partnership. He adds that with this the farmers will be able to develop industries themselves. The third alternative, according to Rawat is, that the government if it wants to take land must develop the land and give 50% of the land to the farmers and rest 50% allows them to finalise rates with the industries. Government has no business to behave like a middlemen, he argues. He also scoffed of the propaganda of the government that this land is being acquired to give land to urban poor. If government is so concerned about them, let them acquire land from the big farm houses, and posh areas like Greater Kailash, Hauz Khas and Golf Link and build houses for poor there. These farmers are not big farmers and you have no right to uproot them from their history and habitat, question Rawat.

Till date the battle has entered in the 24th day. It is a rare case where the farmers in the capital of the country have seized the office of the commissioner. It is a signal to authorities not to interfere in farmer’s matter. The government of the day understand it if they take action they will face severe reprimand from the people. With general elections round the corner, Congress and any other political party can ill afford to lose farmer’s vote. Yet, the politics and corruption goes hand in hand. And the farmers have smelt it very well that there is huge bungling in the entire affair. The government also knows it well that the Jats is a strong community and will respond in their own language and there might be blood bath in Delhi and elsewhere if the government use force. Already the Delhi police was replaced by the CRPF and RAF perhaps with a feeling that a majority of the police men in Delhi belong to either Jats or Gujjars. The government has seen messing up with Gujjar case in Rajsthan. If they mess up here, the repercussion will be far reaching for the farmers movement in the country. After the defeat of Singur, the governments of the day can ill afford to do so in Delhi. It would be good for the government to heed to the demands of the farmers and return their land. Initially, the farmers seems to have been divided between compensation package but now it look clear that they have understood the plan of the government and more delays has only added fuel to the fire. Now, it is clear that the farmers are not going to accept anything less than denotification of the government order as this is not just a battle for farmers but to save the rural character of Delhi also which these governments are out to destroy. The government must honor court’s earlier verdict to maintain the rural character of Delhi and this acquisition goes against that spirit which government promised in the court. Coming days are crucial for the farming community in India. A battle won in Delhi will revitalize the entire community all over the country and force the government and political parties to think of their stand on economic policies as whether the country can afford to marginalize the farmers further? One can only hope that we will learn from history and will not add to the already lengthy list of hunger and malnourished people all over the country. India can not suffocate on the curse of greedy private corporations bungling people’s land and livelihood. Farmers’ unrest can unleash a new wave of instability in the country which would be very difficult to handle by any government in Delhi.

Dalit Liberation has to move beyond reservation

'Samvad' with Jyothi and MC Raj

Our women are the hope of our Salvation say Jyothi and MC Raj

They are a very rare couple complimenting each other, in today’s movements. They are advocating women’s role in leadership at all the level and have ensured 50% reservation for women in Dalit Panchayats in Tumkur region of Karnatka. Jyothi Raj and MC Raj have done with great determination and commitment what should have been followed by many of us in our villages. A new Dalit movement is visible in Tumkur, which is thoroughly based on a positive alternative. The Bhuskhatikendram developed at Tumkur is an example set on a high scale by this couple. The development of Dalit Panchayat is another concept which need to be strengthened at all level. Both of them have been contributing in terms of literature and philosophy for the community. In a wide ranging interaction with Vidya Bhushan Rawat, Jyothi and MC Raj talks of the issues related confronting us and their vision for the future.

VB: You have been working diligently in Tumkur and have been very focused on your work on empowerment. Visiting to Tumkur at your place, we find many things, changes particularly cultural practices and attitudinal issues. I have not found you much in the ‘campaign’ based programmes of the Dalits. Is this a deliberate decision or you feel that we need more focused work at a particular place.

Jyothi & MC
There are two things. We are very clear that we need to do a focused work and should not allow other macro work to take us away from our grassroots engagements with our people as well as with the dominant caste communities. We are also very clear that we cannot win our struggles working all alone in isolated pockets of micro world that we create. However, it is an art to make a healthy mix of both. We have been doing this all over the world and in many states of India.
It has been a bit difficult for us to blindly support all macro efforts. For example we do find some part of our leadership auctioning the pains and sufferings of our people in the International development market. Internationalization of the Dalit cause for advocacy and lobbying is very different and much needed. But selling pathos and ghetto is not good for the future of our community. It may bring short term benefits such as visibility in the larger circles, plane travels all over the world, contact with big shots etc. we are not inclined to it. It does not make us any better. We are just different in our approach to liberation that is all.

Actually we are deeply aware that since the type of ways that we propose are totally new for many people it is only natural that prejudices, lack of understanding and in some cases political agenda of some interests creep in. Therefore, we have not said ‘no’ to any macro involvement. In some circles people are just cautious about what we might say. This is natural and we do not grudge this type of a reservation about us. It takes time. Soon we are starting a Campaign for Electoral Reforms in India. This will be a macro work.

VB : Your struggle for land rights is remarkable. In this focused work, you have been able to help people directly rather than asking them to wait for a change in the system or wait for a revolution. This itself is a revolution for what we see the way Dalit Panchayats are functioning in your region. You have focused your work in the villages while the leadership that emerging is urban and more agitated on ‘power’ politics and patronage which has unfortunately relegated the issue of land to the backstage in the broader Ambedkarite movement. Your take on it.

Jyothi & MC
Land is the lifeline of our people and there cannot be any let down on this. While taking on the issue of land very directly we are also working on long term strategies. What we have achieved is very minimal. We have managed only 6051 acres of land and have another 3000 acres of struggles on hand. We need a policy from the government. A long term struggle for a revolution is being brewed. It will also become national. Of course, our urban leaders are busy with issues that concern urban situations and reservation. These issues have their legitimacy and we cannot arrive at a position of either or. Of course even in urban areas and in other parts of India Dalit Panchayat model must be promoted. But since the Dalit Panchayat Movement is associated with individuals it will take time to spread as a strategy when it is delineated from the personality dimension.

It is a pity that the Ambedkarite Movement has not paid much attention to this. It is mainly because the Ambedkarite Movement seems to have got stuck in the quagmire of reservation. It is necessary to have reservation. But Dalit liberation has to move fast beyond reservation. We have many other issues to deal with. Land is a crucial one. But even here it is not an exclusive issue. Land is at the same time cultural, at the same time political, at the same time psychological. This is what we find missing in today’s Dalit liberation effort. We compartmentalize our cause too much in the Western model.

VB : Dalit socio-political movement revolves around Baba Saheb Ambedkar’s philosophy and work. Many people focus on conversion as an important tool for Dalit liberation while other feel that conversion is more political in nature and less emancipatory. The history of Dalits conversion to Buddhism is much before Ambedkear as Pandith Iyothee Thass, in Madras province had already launched South India Buddhist Sabha short of thing and was promoting conversion of Dalits to Buddhism. Here in the Bhudevi Nagar (Booshakthi Kendra), you are talking of a Dalith Dharma which is basically the oldest philosophy of India, like worshipping nature, trees, mountains, land, water.. What is the difference between your Dalithology with other ‘mainstream dharma’ and how will it liberate them. Is there any chance of it become a cult culture or you want a free thinking philosophy emerging out working with nature.

Jyothi and MC

If we accept conversion as an emancipation variable then logically we need to give the freedom for Dalits to also convert to other religions such as Christianity and Islam. The argumentation that we were originally Buddhist does not hold water as we have many myths in our culture taken from our history that our ancestors were existent much before the Aryans arrived in India. We have also now evidences of philosophy and spirituality that existed in the pre-Aryan period that belonged to the present Dalit people. It is very difficult to accept that the hatred of the Dasyu race in the Rg Veda emanated after the Buddha period. It is a racial hatred that you see in this Veda. If we were the same people who branched off into different schools of philosophy and theology it is impossible to see such type of hatred. The Shivites and the Vishnuvites fought tooth and nail against each other and were always hitting below the belt of one another. However, since they knew that they were the same people belonging to the same stock we do not see such supplication in their scriptures to destroy one race of them.

Dalit Dharma is not a conversion to any religion. It is simply recognition of the existence of Dalit culture and history resources and a determination to walk according to the wisdom of our ancestors. Enlightened Dalits do have the right to choose their own religion. But a community for which education has been banned in the last three millennia cannot be expected to use their choice of religion this fast. Our people cannot be allowed to be used by these dominant religions in this manner.

Dalit religion is an unprecedented attempt in India to bring in the great cultural tradition of internal governance of the community. Now it is the caste rule that governs, our people are governed by the subjugating norms of the caste village. It promotes a spirituality of drawing strength from the cosmos and from our ancestors. Dalit religion is a major shift in the liberation approach. Instead of crying over what other people are doing to us in terms of denial of rights Dalit religion asserts the inherent strengths of the Dalit people and makes used of these strengths as capital for building a future for our children.
Dalit religion is the cry of a people who have risen from the burning ashes of anti history written by the caste forces of India. It is an attempt to make the Dalit people the makers of their own history instead allowing themselves to be the objects of history that other people make.

Today we are not in a position to say that it will not become a cult one day. We have tried our best to demolish the grounds of it becoming a cult in the model of the dominant religions. But when Dalit people gain their strength through this culture resource no one can say what they will do. Yet, the lessons from the past clearly indicate that Dalit people definitely will not take up to dominance and violence as have capitalism and Brahminism done.
Dalit religion will liberate the Dalit people because it is not a mere sentimental appeal to people to be pious. It is an appeal to Dalits to be rational about everything that happens to them. Dalit religion is simultaneously political, economic, social and cultural. It is the biggest platform of restoring the primacy of women in Dalit community as never before.

VB : You have seen the Dalit movement and its growth. In many places political movement have failed. So, the Dalits have to join the political formations. The Bahujan concept also developed but there also the contradiction developed. So far there has not been effort to work on these contradictions but attempt are to ignore them. Can there be a broader unity among different Dalit-Bahujan communities given the ambitions of different political leaders. What do you think of a coalition of Dalit Bahujan. How do you put minorities in it? Do you think that this is a feasible idea?

Jyothi & MC

Dalit is one category. Bahujan is a different category. Only people with some hidden or subconscious agenda will try to club these two categories together as one political formation. There should be a conscious recognition that these are two different categories and they must try to come together as different people. Otherwise the Bahjan Shudras will once again oppress the Dalits. This is the lesson of history. Muslims and Dalits are not the same category but they can form a political coalition which we are trying to do now. Likewise Dalit people must take the leadership to form a coalition with Shudras and other communities. Such a coalition should also be initiated by what you call the Bahujan. Therefore, we are sure that the category of Dalit Bahujan is artificial and will be counterproductive to Dalit liberation. The type of coalition that we are promoting is Dalit (Adijan)-Adivasi-Muslim and Women. Even Kanshiram was terribly against the Dalit Bahujan category. He asked people to use the Dalit or the Bahujan categories separately.

Here the model of Dalit Panchayat and the work of REDS must be seen as a research material for Dalit liberation. If it is possible in one district of India it is also possible all over. We have expended much of our energy looking at the enemy. We need to focus on our interiority which is very resourceful. Our leadership has been busy with reflexive actualization making the caste forces as our reference point all the time. We need to get seriously into the business of self actualization as a community of people. We have a lot of work on our hand before we launch into the type of politics that we have been talking about. When we are strong as a community, minorities will come running to us. The Christians will never come to Dalits. But it is still possible with the Muslims to make a coalition. Most Muslims are very supportive of Dalit struggles.

In our next book Dyche we are dealing with the question of blind following in Dalit communities, which have led to the present state of affairs in Dalit movements.

VB : The Dalit movement has mostly been in the agitational mode hence when we speak, we are not really bothered about the consequences but targeting an ‘enemy’. Ambedkar’s life span is an example. He was very agitated in 1930s, had long debates with Gandhi and other leaders, declared that he would not die as a Hindu, in post 30s, he was more in to legal frame work, joined the governance structure where ever he found the opportunity and in post 40s, he was developing vision for his community, like started schools and colleges, developed libraries, send scholars abroad and gave them a new cultural slogan. But afterwards, we have not seen such work where the Dalits can come and see the changes and hence this work at Tumkur is not only refreshing and enlightening but inspiring for all of us. What was your idea behind the move..?

Jyothi and MC
Actually we did not think anything big in the beginning of our involvement with our people. We have picked up our precious lessons from our people. The first thing we developed was to sit at the feet of our Dalit women in the villages and learn from them many lessons. We also learned to ‘waste’ time with our people. Therefore, we have been growing organically with the people. We cast aside our University education and make our village Dalit people as our biggest universities. We found that, as you rightly say, we are led by the psyche of failure. We realized that unless we changed the psyche of our people and their self image we would do nothing for their liberation. Therefore, we would take up only struggles that would build a psyche of success in our people. Small successes led to bigger ones and so also increased their confidence in themselves.

Even now we consider our work only as a microcosm. We have such a huge task in front of us. But we do it at a pace that our people can manage. The success is because of our women also. They have been in the forefront of our struggles. We did not import any agenda for the development of our people. We drew them from our people. Nobody has till now succeeded to tell us what we should do. We have only allowed our people to guide us. This is not possible for you to believe. But this is the truth. Working for liberation of an oppressed people is a completely different proposition from mainstream politics and economic development. It implies culture, wisdom, history, humility, ability to let go of your learning and many such things. We had no big idea behind, we had our people always before us.

VB : When we start working with a positive frame work, we work on both the strength and weaknesses of our community as without that no work could succeed. What do you think are the strength of Dalits and what are their weaknesses and how can the overcome them.

Jyothi & MC
We have just now completed writing a book Dyche, the Dalit Psyche precisely as an answer to your question. The book is 1000 pages. We have highlighted all the latent strengths of our community of people in this book. If it is read and understood it will serve for a few generations to come.
1. Resilience
2. Hospitality
3. Inclusiveness
4. Providing
5. Protection
6. Making space available to all people
7. We belong to the Earth and not the other way round
8. No criminalization
9. Forbearance
10. Forgiveness
11. Inherent Non-violence
12. Peace loving

As a principle we do not highlight the weaknesses. This is not an attempt to bury our weaknesses. But we follow a specific approach to liberation and that is when move from strength to strength your weaknesses will have no space to live in you. When you move from weakness to strength your weaknesses are likely to grow as you give so much of attentions and energy to them.

VB: Despite so-called conversion, Dalits still remain Hinduised in their cultural practices. It is easier to say that we are not among them but cultural practices including dowry, women’s subjugation and oppression is very much part of the middle class Dalits, if not at the poor households. In the Panchayats, the dalit women sarpanches are being represented by their husbands and other male members. I am not blaming the dalits only. I mean every one is doing so; hence should we also be doing the same...

Jyothi and MC

It is Frantz Fannon who has said about the Black people the following that the ultimate aim of every Black is to become a White. Babasaheb Ambedkar has said that the liberation will not come from the educated leaders of the Dalits. The less said the better.

VB : A lot has been said about empowerment. What exactly is empowerment in your term? Often it is being said that politics is the key to empowerment. Now, there is not a single post in India, except for the Prime minister, which might also come in future, that a Dalit has not donned, yet the situation at the grassroots, for the rural poor remain the same. The land issue has rarely been settled and we have to go the courts and fight it out. Numbers of atrocities on Dalits are increasing and the leadership does not take cognigence of it except if the matter has to be politicized.

Jyothi & MC

For us empowerment is the self actualization of the Dalit people in all areas of life. It will mean a healthy mixture of philosophy, psychology and spirituality. Unfortunately all these are being looked down upon by the present Dalit leadership to a great extent. These processes require a lot of patience and do not give the type of fast forward visibility that an oppressed psyche is in search of. But hard realization has to dawn on us that unless we build up our people from the scratches our search for Dalit liberation will always remain a mirage. The Dalit leadership is busy with gaining a space in the mainstream which they must know is not possible in the near future. They know it well. Therefore, they settle for a ‘gifted’ space from the caste forces and return their services in kind. They have time only for this. If we build up our people slowly but strongly then we shall gain a space in the mainstream that is our own and not gifted to us by the dominant caste people.

VB : Do you think that time has come for a renew the debate on perils of Parliamentary democracy. Is it time for ask for separate electorate. Politicians will never demand it but should the right thinking Dalits start a debate on it.

Jyothi and MC
Ambedkar himself has reverted his earlier position on separate electorate. On August 27, 1955 he passed a resolution as the Chairman of the Scheduled Caste Federation that we do not need separate electorate. What we need is a multimember electoral constituency. This is the humility of Babasaheb. He did not stand by his personal prestige. He changed his earlier position in the light of his new learning about other electoral systems in Europe.

We are taking up our political point of departure from where Babasaheb has left it in 1955 and not in 1932. Reviving the issue of Separate electorate will be trying to infuse life into a dead horse. This is not necessary. What is more relevant today is the Proportionate Electoral System. REDS is starting a 10 years Campaign on Electoral Reforms in India (CERI).

Unfortunately there is not enough education in our leadership on Electoral systems in the world. We know one system and we think that it is the only system that is available in the world. We need to look around. Dalitocracy, our latest book which has been published is a book on the Electoral systems. We have also developed a Dalit political theory which is being put into practice in Tumkur District. May be after we die, Dalit leadership will take up to what we are saying now. After we die we shall not grab anybody’s space and visibility. But this is very important. The more we delay this farther will our liberation move. We need to wake up towards this very important political dimension of Dalit future.

We do not want this Campaign to be our legacy. It is anybody’s right. We are proposing that an Electoral Reform in India and its subsequent coalitions will permanently ring the death knell of Brahminic hegemony. Dalits can lead the way not only for India but for the whole world if we succeed in this. This is possible. We should believe in it.

VB: Where are women in our movement? What leadership role do you think for them? Why are they not visible in the main platform when we had society which was matrilineal? Ofcourse, Mayawati is there and so are many others, but then they do not speak on women’s agenda at all. And above all so far none of us have started a retrospection of our own work. Do you think there is a need of both introspection and retrospection of the Dalit movement and Dalit politics in India.

Jyothi and MC

Our Men have spoiled the future of our children by pledging it for pittance that they borrowed from the caste fellows. Our men have brought slavery on our community. It is our women who have kept our people together as a community not because of our men but in spite of our men. Unless our women grab leadership in the community and begin to lead the affairs of our community there will not be any liberation. Our men will not bring liberation for our children. They will seal their slavery to the caste forces. This is what history has taught us. Therefore, in the interest of themselves our men should stand back and recognize the wisdom of our women. At least as an experiment our men should refuse to take up any leadership in the next 200 years and let our women be in the forefront. If this is done, not only the history of Dalits but also the history of India will be re-written. Our women are the hope of our salvation. This is not a romantic statement. We know it in our hearts.

VB: Finally, you are worked on Dalithology and developed Dalitatva. What exactly is it.
Are you talking about a cadre based religion or a political religion like Hindutva or Political Islam or you are talking of a cultural change. Do this Dalithology take any cue from the materialism of the past and philosophy of Lokayata or is it totally different in the form and action. What has the response of the people in Mysore and Tumkur? Do you want to replicate this elsewhere also?

Jyothi & MC

Dalitology takes its basic tenets from Shamanic Cosmism and Charvaka’s Materialism. It is the same as Lokayata materialism. However, you must know that when Raj wrote Dalitology first he did not read anything about Shamanism and Charvaka. Later when he read this the similarity was very striking. Therefore, he wrote DALITHINK which is a book on Dalit Philosophy. Dalit religion and Dalitology are not designed by anybody’s brain. It is an emergence from the pains of an oppressed people. It has its deep roots in the history and culture resource of our people. Raj is only a tool in this whole emergence. He has the language, the flavor and the energy to write. But if you ask him to write the same thing again it may be very difficult for him as he believes that his ideas dawn on him from the thought and feeling waves of our ancestors. They gush into his body without him asking for it. Then he sits and writes. Therefore, we cannot say that Dalit religion is designed to be this or that. It is the cumulative manifestation of the buried aspirations of our people. It is delivery. This has to grow. How it will grow cannot be and should not be determined by us. The decision should belong to future generations of our children. However, we must say that Dalit religion should not become ritualistic and dogmatic. It should be the symbol of a garden with thousand flowers with thousand different colours. It should be like a butterfly. It should be absolute freedom for all the people of the world. This is way it will be deeply social, economic, political and cultural. But a psyche of more than three millennia old is at work at the bottom.

VB: And finally your message to activists working for the Dalit rights. What are the major threat and precautions they should take to move ahead. Who could be their alliance partners and how can they develop a coalition for the betterment of humanity as a whole.

Jyothi & Raj

We very firmly believe that we have not yet grown wise enough to give any message to anyone in the world. Some people like us and people dislike us and each one has a reason for this. If our life is in any way an inspiration for people to work a bit harder than they are doing, a bit more committed than they are now, a bit more peaceful within themselves that will be the ultimate message of our life. Young people will find their way in their own wisdom. Future generations will design their path. We are just two easily dispensable entities in the ocean of humanity.



Contact Jyothi and Raj at

www.dalitreds.in

email them at

jothiraj12@rediffmail.com

Bihar's Anguish, Orissa's Pain

Anarchy and chaos in the East India

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat

East India Company started from the Eastern Coast of India which is Bengal to do business in India but the main aim of the company was to control India and its natural resources. The company succeeded in spreading their empire all over India using all the tricks of the governance.

In the post independent India, the Eastern Sector continue to be a tough challenge for the new avatar of the company i.e. Sangh Parivar. It is an upper caste limited company where the shudras and Adivasis are kept as foot soldiers. Having won the western and northern frontier, the Parivar know it well that it would be difficult to stake a claim for the throne at Indraprastha unless the Patlipatra comes under its full control. And hence the tandava in Orissa were essential part of the entire exercise.

One wonder why people are fighting in Orissa, a state in news for all wrong reasons all the time. With enormous resources at hand, Orissa is one of the richest state of India, with similar story of poorest people in terms of economy. The rich cultivable land is in the hands of powerful companies. Therefore, right from Posco to Tatas, every one has ventured in Orissa. While the people die of hunger and starvation, it is Posco and Mittals which make news from Orissa. And chief minister Naveen Patnaik gets appreciation and acknowledgment from his supporters in the pink sitting at the India International Centres and deciding about the fate of millions of people. Yes, when the land of the poor from Orissa was being snatched there was no one except the poor themselves. When the issue of fighting against this iniquitous system came the ‘god fearing’ Sangh Parivar kept quiet. Perhaps that is not an issue for them. The issue for them is ‘conversion’. And often repeated charges of missionaries converting the people. What is wrong with that? If the RSS and Sangh Parivar want to give a better idea, let them do the same. But how are they doing. Full state patronage in Orissa. The Sangh Parivar’s goondaism has been exposed in Orissa. The multi headed monsters in the form of Bajrang Dal, VHP and others and language of Togadia who has been exiled from his own state of Gujarat, Orissa is a grim reminder of the divisive politics of the Sangh Parivar.

Of course, this is not to exonerate the Christian Missionaries who are despite all the protest take shelter under the garb of freedom of choice of religion. How would a starving and hungry person has a choice to select a religion. And why do they starve even after coming to your place. It is absolutely no control when the goons and thugs of Sangh Parivar are forcing people to reconvert to ‘Hinduism’. One does not know where will these Swayamsewaks place the new converts but one thing is sure, that there caste remain unchanged. They can not be the upper caste Brahmins or Patnaiks of Orissa.

This is the most unfortunate side of Orissa when the country should have been concerned about the incident; we hear nothing of that short since Christians in India are no Muslims. For the Sangh’s regular nautankis Muslims are terrorists, now they can not blame the Christians to be terrorists hence the charges of conversion. Orissa’s Dalits and tribal have been pushed to each other. They have been made to fight against each other in the name of Hindu and Christian. At the end of the day it is these people who are killing each other, burning the property of each other. The religious thugs will ultimately survive but the loss of livelihood of the poor will haunt them always. That the goons of Hindutva have not cared to burn a young woman who tried to save the orphan children unmask the demonic face of the Parivar. They have no time to take care of the orphans and tribal. And those who are at least trying to do some work for them are being threatened. Naveen Patnaik will always get the best chief minister’s prize from his friends in Delhi for inviting all big companies to loot Orissa and rape its natural resources. It is also important to understand that both the Dalits and tribals are made to fight each other in the name of religion. At the end of the day, a Dalit and tribal remain with in his community despite his conversion. However, my point is not to equate the Christian groups with the fundamentalist Hindu groups which have got full protection from the state police and state government. The question here is the role of state government and how come it surrendered itself to the Trishul wielding Hindutva fanatics. That Swami Lakshmananda was killed by the Maoist who have openly blamed him for spreading communal poison in the area. But the Sangh parivar refuses to buy the argument that the Hindu Maoist could kill a Hindu fanatic and hence they rioted and destroyed the houses of the Christians Dalits. It is reported that the Christian Kandh tribals were not attacked in their own village. It looks that the Hindutva gangs can not take on the Maoist head on. They know well that fighting against Maoist or the Naxal is a lost battle as even the state police are unable to do so hence the Christian become easy target for them. Here the police and administration also become their favorite choice. It also reflects a bit about Orissa’s social relations where the Sangh Parivar and its wings have carefully infiltrated among the tribal and Hinduised them completely. On the other side, the Dalits seems to have been converted to Christianity. And in this football game of religious identities the end result is that both the Dalits and tribals destroying each other. What an irony that in Orissa where both the Dalits and tribals are facing assault on their livelihood they have become pawns in the hands of religious organization to champion their cause. The government must work hard to restore normalcy and rule of law. They can not absolve themselves from the duty of protecting the people. Orissa can not be allowed to become another Gujarat just because Amarnath’s drama has failed to take notice of the country. Ofcourse, it has helped the communal fanatics in Kashmir Valley. All such organizations and political parties should be banned from contesting elections which raise the majoritarian communalism. I am particularly referring to Hindu communalism because the law is already punishing the others, it is these perpetrators of communal riots who have not been punished so far and need to be punished at the earliest.

Just near to Orissa is another legendary state of India named as Bihar. Today, it is passing through another anarchy, which is man made. While in Orissa, the religious goons played the tandava, in Bihar, it is river Kosi which has destroyed the livelihood of millions of people. If reports are to be believed an estimated 5 million people have been displaced in this Tsunami which has uprooted people from their places and rendered them homeless. There is not even a vacant space where people can hide themselves. In past 14 days people of Bihar have been left to fetch themselves. A state which proudly can proclaim an example of how different communities live together, Bihar is today seeking national attention. Unlike Orissa, Bihar has not seen communal disturbances in past 20 years. That Sangh Parivar and its monsters find it difficult to enter Bihar. It is to the spirit of Bihar’s people that such rabid rabble rousers remain at the outskirt of politics, even when the BJP is sharing power in Bihar yet it has to change its rabid anti Muslim rhetoric’s.

Apart from the communal politics, so called capital also has not reached Bihar. In India it is the cocktail of capital with religion which become the toast of the states. We have seen it happening in Gujarat followed by Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Maharastra. Now it has found it way in Orissa which is attracting not only investment but conversion and reconversion, but people remain hungry and starving. Bihar’s people are known to work hard and migrate. It is not that they are not religious. They are religious and perhaps have focused too much on politicized version of Chhuth in Delhi and Mumbai which has become a bone of contention for the local politicians. Chhuth is fastly becoming a festival of unity of all Biharis world over very much similar to what Ganesh Chaturthy was meant for Maharastrians. Of course, so far Chhuth has not been communalized and it remains true to its roots and the commercial interest has not yet taken over it.

But a national tragedy of this quantity which the prime minister himself referred as unprecedented, has not attracted nation’s attention is a matter of great anguish. Except for The Indian Express, none of the private organizations have so far taken up the cause for relief. During Tsunami and earthquake in Gujarat, Uttarakhand and Kashmir, the civil society organizations led from the front, news media, electronic channels lent their support but this time it does not look so. One does not know what are non resident Biharis doing? Is it because Bihar’s over assertion of its politics has damaged its cause? Is it because Bihari politicians have failed their own people? Where are they? Well, Ram Vilas Paswan is busy with his party’s meeting in Rajasthan, BJP and its hero Lal Krishna Advani does not take much interest in Bihar, Togadia and other Hindus perhaps do not think that Bihar’s Dalits and backwards too are Hindus or not. Neither Dalit organizations nor human rights groups seem to think of it. The only visible face at the moment is of Laloo Yadav, whose Ministry of Railways has been pumped into service in Bihar.

Actually both Orissa and Bihar give striking similarities. Both face natural calamities. But this time both faced man made calamities, whose impact have been enormous. It will take years to rebuild the lives of those who have lost everything, as Kosi’s fury is still on rampage. Orissa is burning. The chapels, the churches, the Bible, the houses of poor Dalits and tribal are explaining the enormity of this man made tragedy. That both Orissa and Bihar have some of the poorest regions yet they all have been living life of their own in these areas. These rural poor, the Dalits and Adivasis always had lived together in complete harmony of nature till one fine day the outsiders preach them and use them in their hatred and the result is destruction. This destruction of life and property in both Bihar and Orissa reminds us the madness of human being, madness of religious thugs and the madness of politicians who are ready to sacrifice people for their own political agendas. Bihar’s politicians failed to see that Kosi’s embankment was not repaired and still unable to respond to this catastrophe, the chief minister of Orissa has yet to visit Kandhamal and assure the Dalits, mostly Christians, that their life will be safe and that they will not become stranger in their own land just because they are not reciting Gita and Ramayana. State has to act. In the both the places it has failed. The poor Bihari is running to save his/her life from the villages as over 800 villages have been completely destroyed in 15 districts. More than 5 lakhs have been evacuated. Similarly, in Orrisa the Christians have migrated to the forest to save them from further assault from the rampaging Hindu goons. One hope that the state, civil society and other local organizations will not remain mute to such threats and work for unity among people so that all these migrants from both Bihar and Orissa, whenever they return to their roots, do not feel stranger and isolated in their own villages. If state fails in its duties then it will clearly be meant that it has succumbed to the forces of divisiveness and destruction and that would be the worst day for all of us who feel human endeavor to live a purposeful life with freedom and dignity is the essence of any successful democracy.