The Great Betrayal of Telangana

Review Article


The Great Betrayal of Telangana

Is the Manipulations and caste politics root of the betrayal of the cause of Telangana

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat


One of the most important struggles for a separate state in India is definitely that of Telangana state. Unfortunately, immediately after partition, when the state of Hyderabad merged into Indian Union, various new states were being formed or re-formed on the basis of languages. Big states like Madras, Hyderabad were recreated on the basis of languages. So part of Telugu speaking areas in erstwhile Madras state and other areas from the state of Nizam formed the part of new Andhra.

The history of Telangana’s movement lies in its struggle against the autocratic Nizam who sucked the blood of its Telugu populace and was not willing to accede to Indian union against the wishes of the majority of its people. Hence, when the new state were being formalised, the issue of Telangana ceded to the Telugu maître of maha Andhra issue simply because the political parties and their leaders succumbed to the temptation of their caste politics, ofcourse, in the name of linguistic affinity. I know such facts are not accepted in politics but anybody can guess the politics of Andhra Pradesh in the post independent era is actually the politics of power grab between two powerful communities of Reddy and Kamma.

Therefore it is tragic that a movement so popular and widespread could not culminate into the formation of a new state. Who are the forces responsible for this? Why Telengana is still a far away dream? Have the political class betrayed the cause of telengana? What about the cultural movement? Why have the intellectuals and social activists of Telengana remained mute? If not why were they not able to translate people’s anger into a focused movement for the formation of a new state? These are questions which the authors of this book are looking. ‘ Civil society is yet to create the intellectual tool and action plans that can distinguish people’s politics from power politics’ says the authors of the book,’ Telangana : The state of Affairs’.

The editors acknowledge that there is very little information about Telangana in other languages as well as outside Andhra Pradesh. ‘One drawback is that most of the available material in print about Telangana can only be accessed by readers in Telugu’, they write. That brings us to a new point which I consider as a draw back of this book or may be of that of Telangana movement. The reason for my discomfort is that there is not a single chapter devoted to the demand for autonomy in other parts of the country. It is natural for people who have been left on the margins to call for a separate state and for more fiscal autonomy. Telangana was not the first one to demand for it. It will not be the last one. We all know how the anti Hindi agitation in Tamilnadu in the 1950s and 1960s shook entire India. The fact is very clear that Tamilnadu had a distinct identity and it aspired for it and did not succumb to the pressure of the central leadership. It resulted in a unique situation of this state that except for a brief period, Tamilnadu rejected the national parties and powerful castes. It is another matter that the less powerful castes now have become more powerful and replicating the brahmanical ‘wisdom’ in Tamilnadu but that is another matter of discussion at a separate place. Andhra’s politics remained loyal to strong Centre. In fact it provided strength to Congress party and its leadership in Delhi. Andhra Pradesh got that symptom very late in the formation of Telugu Desham but the fact is that the formation of Telugu Desham was not really a demand for more autonomy to Andhra but more as a counter to the Reddy domination of Congress Party. Till that period, Andhra’s Reddy’s dominated the political discourse and occupied all the space including the so-called revolutionary space. One has nothing against them in person but the fact that such a monopoly over the political cultural space in Andhra Pradesh resulted in doom of the politics of marginalized in AP. In the past 15 years the Kamma, Reddy dominated Andhra Pradesh has witnessed significant marginalization of the Dalits, Adivasis and backward classes. Both Chandra Babu Naidu and YSR Rajshekar Reddy became big magnet and darling of the upper caste media and corrupt business companies. The tragedy of the entire state is that no credible leadership has emerged from the marginalised communities and even the social movements have been hijacked by the powerful communities. The result is that Mao and Marx have failed by the brahmanical system and their deep rooted caste conspiracy to sideline everything that come in their way.

That gives rise to my question. How come a leader of another power community called Velma, lead the voices of the marginalized in Telengana. Since Telangana remained part of the Nizam and even the left wing forces fought battle for independence the communalization of Telangana is not ruled out. Hence, it is an ideal ground for the Hindutva forces. One must not feel that BJP is not present in Telengana. The agenda of Hindutva does not lie with a particular party. Their agenda is to Hinduise the political parties and we have seen that systematic Hindutvaisation of the political parties in India who works on the agenda of the Sangh Parivar. Narsimha Rao’s connections with the Sangh parivar dates back from the days of anti Nizam struggle in the region. The dominant party of Telangana joined hand with everyone from BJP to Congress for its pursuit to power but could not force them to accede to its demand for a separate state when they were in power in centre. Now the Congress actually rubbished them and got a majority of seats in the last Vidhan Sabha elections in May 2009.

So consolidation of all the ‘Hindu’ votes against a Muslim challenge could bring some more vote to powerful party of Telengana but at the end of the day defeat the very purpose of the movement. Any movement is the result of the marginalization and ostracisation of communities. In the case of Telengana, it is basically Dalits and other marginalized. Similarly Chhatishgarh, Jharkhand were tribal states and remained marginalized under the Madhya Pradesh and Bihar. Uttarakhand’s case is different. It was a mountain state and the Pahadis were considered to be inferior in not only Delhi but also in other parts of Uttar-Pradesh. Little funds were allocated for educational and other developmental programmes. A majority of Netas and ministers hailed from the Uttar-Pradesh were least bothered about hills as they were not able to influence the power politics of an elephantine state of Uttar-Pradesh. Yet, not all Pahadis were equal in socio-economic status, as the Brahmins of Uttarakhand actually were among the most powerful in India. Some of these Brahmin families ruled Uttar-Pradesh hence leader became bigger then the state and the cause of the state remained marginalized. It is not a tragedy that the biggest obstacle of the Uttarakhand state was Narain Dutt Tiwari but he was imposed on a state which did not fight elections under him. So, the brahmanical leadership is actually powerful in denigrating others and creating artificial differences in the name of religion, region and castes.

Demand for autonomy has been one of the major reasons of discontent in India. Right from Kashmir to North Eastern regions like Nagaland, Manipur, Meghalaya states have been demanding more autonomy and freedom. Punjab suffered a lot under it. However, there is a wider difference between these movements for autonomy is that while movements for self determination in Kashmir, Manipur and Nagaland, yet a good linkage to understand the issues of the people and their voices for freedom and autonomy.

In the chapter ‘Subregionalism in India : The case of Telangana’, Duncan B Forrester, says “ it remains true that it is not possible to distinguish Telangana sharply from the rest of Andhra Pradesh in terms of caste’. He writes : ‘ Non Brahmin feeling was never as strong in the Telugu Country as in Tamilnadu, but nevertheless Brahmin dominance was gradually challenged by rising non Brahmin castes, particularly, the Kammas, and Reddies who tended initially to support justice party and the Andhra Movement, finding themselves at loggerheads with each other only after setting up of Andhra Pradesh in 1953.’

Actually, a comparison would have helped analyse things much better how certain powerful communities dominates each state. So whether you get a state or not, the question is that we are imposing a democratic value system on a society which remain highly antidemocratic and feudal. Hence The issue of mulkis and non mulkis is evident in other parts of the country. Uttarakhand never got the right due from Uttar-Pradesh. Since the region had only 25 seats and the contempt for the people of uttarakhand was high.. Vidarbha is complaining the same from Maharastra, Darjeeling asking for its right from West Bengal, Bodos are asking the same from Assam and Chhatishgarh had similar problem with Madhya Pradesh and Jharkhand always remained undeveloped under Bihar. Leaders became bigger than the movement.

A number of activist friends from Telangana always claimed to have a unique ‘cultural’ difference between Telangana and Andhra Pradesh. However, these distinctions exists every where including those states which have been created in past 10 years.

I however disagree with the point that ‘subregional conflicts can break down caste political solidarity in a different way and force state politics to concern itself not so much with balancing the claims of significant caste groups as with balancing the claims of various areas with in the state to equality of treatment, particularly in economic development. Actually the article was written by the author in the late sixties and that time the popular media and popular intellectual discourse was divided between Congress and the left forces. That time any talk of the Dalits and Adivasis or backward communities was considered as ‘caste’ approach. However, witnessing the degradation of the Marxian principals hijacked by the upper caste landlords, one can easily say that a new caste identity of the Dalits and backward communities along with Adivasis is the need of the hour to save the Telangana movement being hijacked by the same forces as happened with other states particularly in Uttarakhand, Jharkhand and Chhatishgarh. In all these states, the forces of Hindutva were the first to do the social engineering while the social strata of the self proclaimed revolutionaries remained highly feudal and upper caste. One can not shy away from the fact that the leadership of the Telangana movement largely drawn strength from specific communities with the Dalit communities simply jumping in their bandwagon without focusing on the issue of their identity.

N.Venugopal in his essay ‘ Demand for separate Telangana Towards Understanding the Core issues, has pointed out the regional inequalities. He explained the Telangana struggle in historical perspective. He argues the inequalities during the Nizam’s period against the Telugu Speaking people as well as Kannada speaking people. I think we make mistake here too. A number of Muslims living in Telangana regions have not benefited from the Nizam’s rule. A few of them might have got benefit in the name of their religion but majority of them remained under the poverty line. The biggest damage to the cause of Telangana was caused by the power elite of Andhra Pradesh which hobnobbed with Congress party at the centre. It brings us back to question that castes matter a lot in India. So, for the power elite of Andhra Pradesh, Telangana cropped up only according to convinence and not really a matter of conviction.

The historical cultural evolution of Telangana is not reflected outside Andhra Pradesh. The activists feel they are special but they should also understand that the communist fighters fought against Nizams, so were many other forces. Like any other movement in India, in Telengana too, no efforts were made to understand the discontents among the Dalits against the upper caste leadership of the movement. While the leaders hobnobbed with power elites and played with the sentiments of the people, it is important to understand the feeling M Bharat Bhushan in his analysis mention that initially it might have been a movement against resistance and crossed caste, class and religion differences but it looks today that ‘movement’ by political class is basically to monopolise the power structure, resorting emotional blackmail, non people means of the movement which he says are political one upmanship, Unpredictability of the political class, but I would prefer to use the term ambiguity of the political class is another reason for inability to get a separate state. So Bharat is right in saying that a Telengana for TRS may be different than what a large number of activists think. Like activists who died for the cause of Uttarakhand, Jharkhand and Chhatishgarh today feel betrayed as the leadership in these states remains the hands of status quoists. Most of the chief ministers that Uttarakhand have so far, whether under BJP or Congress are Brahmins who constitute not more than 20% of the population. The Chief Ministers in Chhatishgarh is a non tribal at the moment.
There is no guarantee that such things will not happen in Telangana if state comes into being. That the elected representatives become more loyal to their party and party leaders then to their constituents. If there is any uniqueness of Telangana struggle then the activists, students, academics should join hand and start a social movement. The voices of marginalized should lead the movement of Telangana. If a separate Telangana have the same order as existed in Andhra Pradesh, I am afraid it would become more dangerous than Andhra Pradesh. Let me put some more points for cause of three states that were carved out. Uttarakhand came into being because BJP wanted a state where upper caste interests remain intact as people were unhappy with the Mandal commission recommendations. It was essentially a movement against Mandal Commission Reports that resulted in building of Uttarakhand state. Chhatishgarh and Jharkhand were created to facilitate the World Bank and transnational corporations. Since Andhra government was already facilitating things for the neo liberal policies, there was no need for a separate state here. One has to understand the factor that the day any government creates problems for facilitation of SEZs or SAZs, the power games would offer you a separate state in platter.

Telangana’s marginalized people have suffered a lot from the hands of the power elite of Andhra. In an article ‘Do elections foster separatism : The case of Telangana’ written by Dean E McHenry suggest if he goes by the election results of 2004 assembly elections and 2006 Karimnagar byeelection when Telangana Rastra Samiti members overwhelmingly got support from the masses. But I have not ready to take this argument the reason for separatism. The original demand for separate state is caused by a variety of issues such as socio-economic marginalization, cultural gaps and continuous exploitation of resources. As revealed in the book itself how Telangana produced more revenue and how the State Reorganisation Committee Report was rejected by the government.

As far as the book is concern, it contains very important documents, articles and annexures which I have seen for the first time. Stories such as Golla Ramavva written by PV Narsimha Rao and Land by Allam Rajayya are also part of it. However, I would definitely have loved if such stories are reproduced which comes from the communities themselves. People like Narsimha Rao were proclaimed intellectuals but at the end of the day they contributed very little for the cause of Telangana and its culture. It is important to note that mere by being born in a region does not make a person concerned about its identity. Rao presided over a communal regime in Delhi(despite being a congress person), opened up India’s land for the grab by the international companies as well as our own feudal lords in the name of ‘globalisation’, just to counter the growing assertion and awareness among the Dalits and marginalized in the post Mandal era’s India.

The annexures contains State Re-organisation Commissions Report, Gentlemen agreement in 1956, Six point formula issued on September 21st, 1973 by Andhra politicians, article 371D i.e. special provisions with respect to Andhra Pradesh, Order of Government of Andhra Pradesh in 1975 on the issue of recruitment of local cadres. All these information are very relevant to understand the crisis of Telangana. They are important document which reflect clearly how the cause of Telangana was betrayed by the people in power. It is important that such documents need to be analysed fairly so that generations may know how the issue of backwardness of a region is tackled by our political class and how the ambition of a few makes way for the miseries of the majority.

The Telangana debate must continue. Even if political Telangana is not there, let there be efforts to develop the socio-cultural values of Telangana. It is time to know who betrayed of the cause of Telengana state in the struggle for which 370 students and youths were killed in the police firing, and for the loss of academic year in 1969. If the state could not become a reality then time is to fix responsibility. That can only happen if there is a movement which has mass support and which is not based on sentiments but positive thought of what makes Telangana and its people different than Andhra people despite their common language and common castes? Can we expect that Telangana will not have the politics of the domination of two or three power communities in like Andhra? If the Andhra dominant theory is repeated here in Telangana, then there is no point fighting for such a state as it would be more damaging to the cause of the people of Telangana.

This book can be termed as good beginning for people like me who are far away from the living realities of Telangana but who were always fascinated by the people’s struggle of Telangana. Definitely it is an entry point for all those who wish to understand socio-cultural crisis of Telangana and its polity. One hope that the authors will not end with this only and will bring more such volumes so that people get evidence based information on the issue of Telangana and may understand its uniqueness.



Telangana : The State of Affairs
Editors : M Bharath Bhushan
N. Venugopal
Published in August 2009
Publisher L AdEd Velue Ventures,
Hyderabad
Price : Rs 250
Pages : 210

Politics of rape or rape of politics ?

Rape as an instrument of Politics

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat

UP Congress is on a high these days. After Congress Chief Rita Bahuguna’s infamous words on rape, the debate started that chief minister Mayawati said the same things to the then chief minister Mr Mulayam Singh Yadav after she visited the Maderasa in Allahabad where some Muslim women’s were raped. Why were the channels running it for the whole day. Was it an effort to douse the flames created by the brahmanical sophistry? Is it just a slip of tongue or the very psychology of our political class which use victim as a tool to score a political point?

Well, if you have seen some surveys on these channels, then a majority of Indians have send roses to Rita Bahuguna. I think this is there way of doing Gandhigiri on channels and feeling happy that ‘some one’ had the guts to take their ‘cause’. Justifications are there that Ms Bahuguna meant something else but if you see the whole social history and later on the post independent India’s socio-political climate, then one should not wonder that word rape has become a political instrument and the person who is victimized is tortured more by our actions and deeds.

And I call it mindset of a pervert society. A society which is full of fear from openness and which shows its strength through masculinity. Is not it strange that the victim of rape violence is asked to cover her face and live in indignity and hide while the perpetrators roam around with shouting slogans and taking shelter under various taboos. And this is what I call brahmanical mind beautifully exposed by Dr Mulk Raj Anand in his epic novel ‘Untouchable’, as how a priest of temple try to allure a girl Gulabo who is a sweeper in the temple to enter into the sanctum-sanctorum of the temple where she is normally prohibited to enter and then try to molest her. As soon as the girl retaliates and condemn him, the Brahmin priest shouts ‘polluted... polluted... blaming the girl for polluting the temple by entering into its sanctum-sanctorum.

The responses of both the UP government and the rival political party are according to their power base. But the way the whole script is being played showed that the even the women politicians play the script largely written according to the code of Manu Dharm Shastra, a code which degraded them and made them an object of ‘pleasure’.

No one knows the plight of those women who become victims and in whose name these political dramas are enacted. The script changes and politicians takes over and make it like a Bollywood scene where the aim of the director is not to really show injustice but to give more ‘material’ to our bruised and unsatisfied male egos, something to watch.

Our responses have been crude and humiliating and when this rhetoric comes from women then it become more painful. So, it is a country where the laws are made in such a way where the victim is more victimized and those who do it walk with their head high.

Just as section 377 was set aside by Delhi High Court, many of the activists, including those claiming to work for social justice, felt that by allowing the homosexual to do things according to their choices would amount to breaking of our social relations and that we are a society based society and individuals do not matter.

Why individual should do not matter? How can a society be developed by killing an individual. Dr Ambedkar said about Indian society: ‘The Indian society does not consist of individuals. It consists of innumerable collections of castes, which are exclusive in their life and have no common experience to share and have no bond of sympathy. Given this fact, it is not necessary to argue the point. The existence of caste system is a standing denial of the existence of those ideals of society and of democracy.”

Once we understand this feeling of Dr Baba Saheb Ambedkar, we can easily analyse the root cause of our structural problems influenced by the brahmanical social order where for different set of rules and punishment meant for different communities. Therefore a rape committed by a Brahmin would definitely not attract the same punishment as done by some other community.

The atrocious laws and social taboos in our societies have turned against individuals and those who challenge to live according to their own life style face the brutality by the society. One should not therefore be amused about our whole marriage system and how it is an event to ‘celebrate’ and show your ‘strength’ and ‘power’ in the village rather than being an entirely private event of a few. And there are communities and traditions when you celebrate the first night ‘victory’. Also, communities have their way defined how to find the next morning whether the girl was a virgin or not.

It is therefore not ironical that during a mass marriage ceremony in Madhya Pradesh that the doctors were called to testify the girls after two of them developed labor pain. Now, mass marriage customs are very popular in India as it gives the political parties a license to become the custodians of the community. But as my friend Joane Payton referred why marriage can not be a private affair. Why should the state promote dowry by promoting such practices. There are number of other things as pointed out by some people that some marriages were just replayed to extract the paltry Rs 5,000/-. In fact a former Madhya Pradesh minister once said that people lodge false cases of rapes for compensations.

Now, that is the problem with the political parties. They link women’s dignity with compensation. At the same point of time we will have to understand how a woman has to face this violence in our society. Hence, she lives a life of miseries and there are no efforts by the family to revive her. That is why most of the people do not even want to let the incident out in open and file a case in the police. They know that if the ‘truth’ is out the girl would not be able to marry. And hence in many cases the women themselves refuse to accept the charges.




Of course, when rape becomes a male chauvinist debate among different constituent then it is shameful. Rather then condemning the act, we the launch counter offensive about why it was not done with others. Rita Bahuguna’s shameful tongue was the same brahmanical wisdom of challenging another woman. May be she wanted to look more sympathizer then Mayawati. Perhaps, she should remember Khairlanji which happened a few years back in Maharastra.

Rape will always be a powerful weapon in the armed struggles, communal disturbances, social upheavals as long as women’s virginity and purity are the ‘honor’ in our society. As long as we consider them as a matter of our ‘ijjat’, it will be used as a tool to dishonor them. Whether some boy picks up quarrel with another one in the village, it is the sister who has to face the consequences. The villagers will moan, communities will fight but the girl would be destined to live a life in isolation and misery. She can not come out hence even if she receive hefty compensation, unless our families are properly counseled no rehabilitation can take place and the money would go to the parents who would then find out a person for her and she would be tied for marriages but the stigma of being raped would also be there. There are very few cases where the girl would live a life of honor as she will not be accepted by the larger society.

The Supreme Court gave a historic verdict today after hearing a very passionate petition of an orphan girl who was raped by a warden in the Nari Niketan in Chandigarh. This girl is mentally challenged with an age of 19-20 years of age with an IQ of 9 year old. She became pregnant and she does not want to terminate her pregnancy now. It said that the girl has a right to keep her baby. Let us not go into what is right and wrong. Important point is that this girl’s desire to live her life with dignity must be appreciated.

The problem is many times, to save them from an adverse verdict, the lawyers advice the alleged rapist to ‘marry’ the girl and withdraw charges of rape. Law has never been reformative and any person who is different from others, find it difficult to get a good lawyer to present her case. How can the court grant permission to alleged rapist to marry the girl. It is because of the social taboos. Fact is that India may not be officially a Hindu Rastra but the laws of Manu are very powerful in our society and they prevail over a secular constitution.

Ofcourse, Manu’s Islamic cousins are not left behind. There are hundreds of Imranas and Mukhtar Mais who face these indignities. And what does Panchayats do, which many of our friends appreciate so much in the name of ‘golden’ culture? These Panchayat do not listen to the victim. They victimize them further. Imrana was asked to marry her ‘rapist’ father in law and call her husband as son while Mukhtar Mai was ordered rape by the ‘Jirga’in Pakistan. One need courage and patience of a Mukhtar Mai to face the law which is against her at every step. Therefore most of the women live in indignities as the psychology of rape is just not to kill the girl but to make her virtually a living dead where you are killed many time every time when people pour you with different questions and discuss about your fate. It also creates a psychology of indignity and guilt around her and her family. Laws have never been useful at all and politicians more dangerous than ever. One can find how many time they went to help Imrana. A typical response would be ‘either it is a community matter or ‘we have not read about it or heard it’.

The only answer against such heinous crime is to fight against it and not feel guilty and humiliated. And one woman who challenged it and became an icon was Phoolan Devi. Educated upper castes called her ‘dacoit’, but none ever came forward to encourage her live a life of dignity after she was raped and molested by the Thakurs in rural Kanpur Dehat region. She did not accept the defeat. She did not lead a life in miseries. She decided to avenge it. Many people might not justify what she did and none can justify those violent acts yet Phoolan revolt against the brahmanical system is an example that rather then feeling shame of their misdeeds, it is time to pay back with interest. She did not ask for any brutality or rape. She denied being part of any murder of people in Behmai yet she lived like queen. Whether you call it larger then life image or not, but Phoolan never believed in submitting herself to the fancies of these upper caste thugs. She became a legend in her life time who lived life with dignity and self respect.

But her legendary status was used by political class for their own reasons. She was converted into a docile homely woman who is very caring and very epitome of ‘Bhartiya naari’ i.e. Indian womanhood. She would tie Rakhi to many of these politicians who became her brothers and used her for political purposes. She got married and entered to parliament. Her status was used by the ambitious political class. A strong woman who fought against brahmanical patriarchy was therefore merged in it by the corrupt political class.

Politicians will thrive. The victim and their families will live life of marginalization. For a few days the media will make big stories and politicians know it well. Nothing will happen to them. Their ‘pativrata’ wives will not come for the rescue of bartered woman. They will stand by their corrupt husbands and relatives. That is what brahmanical value system tells us that nothing is bigger than blood relations…’ jis desh jaati main janm liya balidan usee per ho jawaen, which means you must sacrifice your self for your region and caste and defend it at any cost. At the end of the day even if we get out of the political debate of Rita Bahuguna and Mayawati, it is important who is good or bad, just find out who are the people facing charges of rapes in various jails of the country. Who are the victims? May be Rita Bahuguna can find the answer. Many of the shudra critique of Bahujan theory suggest that the violence perpetrated on Dalits are done by the shudras. They ignore the fact that Manusmriti was not made by the shudras. They forget that brahmanical violence may not be physical but more institutional and through knowledge. Rita Bahuguna has added Joshi in her status and her only quality to become president of Uttar-Pradesh Congress was her being a Brahmin. Just by having a Dalit cook at house does not resolve the crisis as she said. What she said was not an outburst but a continuous assumption of our patriarchical political thought that does not want to address the root cause but use the incident for political purposes. A counter social cultural revolution of Dalits-bahujan is the only alternative to brahmanical polity of India in which women are inherent partner in the movement otherwise, rape and molestation of women will always be a tool to not only spread terror among the marginalized sections of society but also used by the very exploiters who use it as a political weapon. Unfortunately, it is the bankruptcy of our political parties that they think to revive their fortune on an incident which is a shame and need a more sensitive approach to deal with.

Caste and Democracy in India

Caste and politics in India

*Vidya Bhushan Rawat




At the outset of my presentation, I would like to congratulate International Humanist and Ethical Union and fellow humanists for taking initiative to address the issue of untouchability from a non religious view point.

I always believed that the emancipation and liberation of humanity is not in the so-called liberation theologies but liberation of minds of human being. When we talk about India and see its diversity, we will find that most of the revolt movements in India spoke against the hegemony of a particular caste and the systematization of rituals and imposition of farcical values in the name of divinity.

India became a nation under the British regime. 400 years of Mughal rule and then British Raj, brought a lot of changes in India, whether administrative reforms or institutionalization of democratic process yet one thing that remained unchanged was the caste discrimination. Prior to British, the stream of Sufi saints rejected the brahmanical system and injustice meted to Dalits but their focus was more making people aware of themselves and tried to take shelter in a seemingly egalitarian religion by terming God does not discriminate, he is one and omnipresent and omnipotent.

But the real changes came when in the 19th century, when the approach of the leaders of deprived castes became not only of a of a revolt against the values and thoughts imposed by the High Caste Hindus led by the Brahmins but an assertion in the belief of modernity which resulted in the democratization process in Europe, United States as well as Eastern European Countries, which many of you might not like at the moment.

Democracy is essentially a practice of alliance building. And the first such grand alliance of farmers, marginalized communities and the deprived communities was forged by Jyoti Ba Phule, as he termed these communities as ‘Bahujan’ and felt that those ruling India were really minorities leaders of the high caste Hindus.

But Dr Ambedkar who got educated in United States, UK and Germany did not really feel the same way. His concerns were really about the constitutional provisions for the Dalits. He realized that Democracy was a broadly a majoritarian concept and cannot really be confined to electoral exercise and therefore a mere political alliance of communities which lead to political power can not be the only objective of a democratic exercise. Instead, he felt that our institutions should be strong enough to protect the constitutional provisions made for the most marginalized communities. He knew that the communities that he was leading did not understand much about discrimination and rights as it was thoroughly disempowered one. He knew that communities which remain in enslavement and hunger because of various rituals and ideologies and philosophies injected in their minds that they would not be able to understand what their rights are? Many of them still feel that what they have been doing was perfectly divine and no body has a right to stop that. The theory of karma, that what you are today because of your bad karmas in the previous birth hence to undo that one must stick to his/her duties. Ambedkar said that Karma theory did the maxmimum damage to the rights of the depressed classes most commonly known as Untouchables or Dalits.

We must not forget that Ambedkar approached the Dalits problem through a minority view point. He wanted to ensure constitutional rights so that the Dalits do not become victim of majoritarian assertion during the elections. That is why he fought for the separate electorate for them in 1932 and which was justifiably awarded by the British that time known as communal award. In all his life time, Ambedkar addressed the issue of the untouchables from the view point of a democratic polity and not just politics.

After India got independence and Ambedkar led the drafting of the Indian constitution, Dalits got 17.5% seats reserved in parliament and state assemblies. Actually Ambedkar never asked for this reservation as he feared that the leadership that would emerge after this would be serving more to the high caste Hindus who form the majority than the Dalits. And this resulted in defeat of Ambedkar in the very first election he contested from Mumbai, Maharastra as all the high caste Hindus ganged up against him and got him defeated.

Ambedkar could not live more but the Dalis became vote bank of the ruling party. Many leaders were elected and became ministers and governors and chief ministers of the state but the over all condition of the Dalits was a matter of great concern. However, there were a few symbolic exceptions which were utilized to mobilize the Dalit opinion for a particular political formation.

Let us first come to what Ambedkar said about Indian democracy in an interview to Voice of America on May 20th, 1956. He asks this question whether there is a democracy in India and he says: ‘Democracy is quite different from a Republic as well as from parliamentary Government. The roots of democracy lie not in the form of Government, Parliamentary or otherwise. A democracy is more than a form of government. It is primarily a mode of associated living. The roots of democracy are to be searched in the social relationship, in the terms of associated life between people who form a society.’


And to further his cause he points out: “The Indian society does not consist of individuals. It consists of innumerable collection of castes, which are exclusive in their life and have no common experience to share and have no bond of sympathy. The existence of caste system is a standing denial of the existence of those ideals of society and therefore of democracy. An Indian cannot eat or marry with an Indian simply because he or she does not belong to his or her caste. An Indian simply can not touch an Indian because he or she does belong to his or her caste.” Ambedkar questions the political system and how Congress party field its candidate and how they are selected carefully on the basis of their caste. Ambedkar says : “How does an Indian vote in an election? He votes for a candidate who belongs to his own caste and no other Further he considers caste system as a bane to democracy. ‘ Castes are not equal in their status. They are standing one above another. They are jealous of one another. It is an ascending scale of hatred and descending scale of contempt. The feature of caste system has most pernicious consequences. It destroys willing and helpful cooperation.”

Unfortunately, after Ambedkar death his legacy was claimed by certain leaders for their own purposes. Ambedkar ideals were kept in books and what was projected his themes and views which were suitable to various political leaders. What they failed to understand that Ambedkar grew up over a period of time and many of his views changed. If he had bitter experience on the issue of questioning the religious text with Gandhi and on the issue of empowerment of the Dalits, he joined the constitution making process to empower the community leaving his bitterness aside. Post 1940s he was more into positive action and send many Dalit scholars abroad at his own expenses.

Never in his life did Ambedkar resorted to identity of caste for political purposes. He formed Indian Labour Party. He formed Depressed classes League and he formed Republican Party of India, all showing his concerns and ideals of how he wished to fight the question of discrimination. To eradicate the caste identity of different Dalit communities or Scheduled Castes, as they are called constitutionally, Ambedkar redefined Buddhism in a radical humanist way and termed it as Navayana. I am not going to discuss the issue here.. The point I want to make it is that Ambedkar’s quest for a progressive Dalit identity beyond caste has not been properly followed up by those who claim his legacy purely on the basis of his caste.

For the parties claiming his legacy he was ‘their’ leader only. For the Hindu upper caste parties, he became a ‘Dalit leader’therefore relegating him to the confinement in urban slums and Dalitwadas of the villages. The irony was that a modern man like Ambedkar whose democratic spirit could have been the meeting ground for the forces of change, became victim of caste identities in India.

In the parliamentary democracy of First Past the Post System, which Ambedkar himself actually felt inadequate to protect the interest of the Dalits, the politics is fast turning into a game of identities where the minority identity have no meaning. It is fast merging with the broader majoritarian identity as the slogan grew up in the air ‘jisaki jitani sankhya bhari uski utni sajhedari.. the more numbers you have, the bigger the share in power structure. Nowhere, it has any insurance for the minorities. It claims to reserve seats for them according to their number but the fact is that the concept of this kind of politics has fragmented the Dalit politics further, with more and more leaders focusing on their primary caste identities to get into vote bank politics. Hence, those whose castes have more numbers get the leverage of power and those who do not have suffered in this process despite their efforts. We have seen many Dalit leaders who have focused on their issues more than any other political leaders and getting marginalized in the process because the sheer number of their castes. What is this? I call it depoliticisation of the Dalits and their issues which is very dangerous as those who really do not work and are expert manipulators can get elected in their names. More so because, the democracy is actually going in the hands of those forces which are anti democratic and have no faith in it. Dalits who got their legitimate rights through democratic means today feel betrayed by this. As we use symbol to tell the world that the Dalits have been empowered in India, it is time to look into the ugly realities of the process.

We can see the process of political changes in two most populous states of Uttar-Pradesh and Bihar. Both were the first one where the National parties got thoroughly marginalized and a large number of the Dalit-OBC ( the Other Backward communities, artisan-peasantry) dominated the political process since 1990. But this broader unity of Dalit-Bahujan could have changed the entire polity in India but because the individual leaders and their egos became bigger than their political parties which became one man/woman show and no internal democracy in these parties resulted in collapsing these forces. Added on this was the attempt by the intellectual and leaders of these forces equating every one who is a non Dalit-or OBC as Manuwadi-or Brahmanical while purely ignoring or conspicuously side tracking the issue of their political leaders hobnobbing with right wing Hindu Nationalist party BJP.

Anti Brahmanism and anti ritualism is the quintessential central theme of the Dalit-Bahujan theory but this does not apply to the High Caste Hindus only, it applies to the leadership and communities themselves. Unfortunately, whether it is politics or so-called social movements, except for a few, most of the Dalit-Bahujan politics became a rhetorical agitated one harping on the victimized politics while clearly failing to address the issue of inter community dialogue and clarity of ideological perspectives. Hence a broad movement which had the power to change power equations in India became an instrument to keep their flock together by abusing the High caste Hindus during the day and dine with them in the night and strategizing things with them, to monopolise the power structure with one particular community. As I said earlier democracy is essentially an alliance building exercise based on ideology but here alliance building was a criminal alliance of one particular community with other one ( both stronger ones and numerically powerful one) resulting in the marginalization of the other communities among the Dalits and backward castes who were numerically non existent. This happened in Bihar where a backward leader made alliance with Muslims. His Yadav and Muslim community made a lethal alliance and ruled the state for nearly 20 years but without any developmental work. Similar thing happened in UP where the chief minister Mayawati combined her caste strength i.e. Chamars with the Brahmins much to resentment of the other Dalit communities. There again the government forgot basic Dalit agenda of governance like land reform, education and health sector focus or any new scheme for the poor. The result was that, the Chamars themselves got fed up with the government where they were just fodder to give the Brahmins a power and fell out of the government. In Bihar also, the other marginalized and mostly Dalits revolted and allowed a new government in power.

The continuous assertion and democratization process in India will continue. Every community which has been left in the race want political representation and can not be satisfied with our romantification of a broad Dalit-Bahujan concept to give a few elite to capture power in their name and become dictator and use state tools as a fancy for their personal wills. People will question leaders and thrash them if they fail to deliver. India’s transition to democracy is still in process and the Dalits and other marginalized communities its biggest asset. The democratization process will bring new leaders from the marginalized communities. One phase where the middleman masquerading politicians came to power structure in the name of identity but mere identity does not work. People want to development, people want their voices... and they are not ready that some one in the name of their identity, grab power structure and use it for his/her personal gains which was widely perceived. The political leaders will have to democratize themselves and address the basic issues the community. India has one of the best constitutions but it is rarely implemented fully. Dalit-Bahujan power polity need to first stick to its basic preambles and lead from the personal example. How can they ignore the rich legacy of Ambedkar-Phule and Periyar, each one of them person of high integrity and deeply committed to the cause of oppressed communities? It is time that this legacy is carried forward by the current leadership with basic principals by becoming modern, democratize yourself and with a humanist perspective. Dalit Bahujan politics can not be exclusive in nature but more broad, open minded and inclusive and should provide an idea which did not exist in the brahmanical mind set, the idea of freedom and humanism its basic tenants, as it lead those communities which were victim of the caste system in India. The Dalit movement can not be a movement of caste identities but beyond that providing alternative political theory in India. May be the beginning could be made with giving representation to different marginalized communities with in the power structure of the political parties that they care for the numerically lesser communities who do not matter much in terms of vote or who can not become vote bank. Our current parliamentary system does not do justice to these most marginalized communities and hence Dalit empowerment will only be of a particular individual with political heritage of the family. It results in hegemony of one family or individual by destructing the monopoly of others. Idea of governance remain a far cry in this entire scheme as the entire focus revolve around identity turning the entire community as apolitical and making leaders much bigger then the political parties and movement. Such a situation is dangerous for the communities. But fortunately, the current Lok Sabha election while springing some surprises also sends a stern message to these political parties that they can not take people for granted in the name of identity... now time is to deliver to them. You can not have an identity without good education, economic conditions and social change for equality. Unfortunately, those who harp more on caste have lost their idea of how to annihilate it. Caste can not be simply strengthened to market a few individual and their megalomaniac vision about themselves. The issue of caste and Dalits is actually need to be addressed as the civil rights movement in the United States. It is important that it is not become a few seats in parliament and empowerment of the elite leaders in the name of communities. It has to be broad movement for human rights and human dignity. It has to be a movement against the religious rituals and holy texts which kept them subjugated for centuries and enslaved their minds. Humanists have that capacity to deliver it as they believe in that today’s dalits have the capacity and democracy has provided them alternative. Only a modern democratic theory with republican ideas as envisioned by Dr Ambedkar can be their true emancipator otherwise, caste based identities are threatening basic Dalit unity in the country and it is fast becoming a self defeating exercise.

Vidya Bhushan Rawat is a secular humanist based in Delhi and working with Social Development Foundation, Delhi. His writings can be accessed at www.manukhsi.blogspot.com and he can be contacted at vbrawat@gmail.com

Dalit assertion in Punjab

Fire at Vienna exposes Ugly realities of caste discrimination in Punjab

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat

Punjab is burning. The Dalits are at the street. The government is seeking peace and every one is amused why the Dalits have taken to the street. Some are amused as why attack on Sant Niranjan Dass, head of Dera Guru Ravidas Sachkhand Balan and death of Sant Ramanand could spark such violent protest in Punjab. Unfortunately, they forget to understand the first question itself as why such Deras face attack by the fundamentalist Sikh groups. Is it because these Deras have provided a glimpse of hope and identity to a massive Dalit population in Punjab? Is it also not true that these Deras are also giving the upper caste Sikhs a run for their money and power?

Problem is in our perception about Punjab as a casteless society where Sikhism grew. The fact is that inspite of great preaching in the Guru Granth Saheb and their own sacrifices, the leadership that emerged in Punjab is upper caste dominated feudal Sikhs. And they have used the Gurudwaras for their political purposes. The Dalits were just not wanted in these Gurudwars. After the Ravidasis and Majahabis also started creating their own temples, the problem started growing. The slogan of ‘Guru Ravidas Mahraj ki Jai’ reverberate in these Gurudwaras and perhaps that is considered to be a challenge to mainstream Sikhism. It’s the question of identity. It is unfortunate that like Churches, Gurudwaras are also caste based. Once I happen to travel to Uganda and found that there was Gurudwaras for Ramdasis, for Jat Sikhs and for Ravidasis. It clearly means that despite converting to other religions and leaving your country, Indians are deeply rooted in their caste prejudices and have every power to demolish the powerful preaching of Gurus. When the preaching of the great people become issue of identity by their community people, the oppressed would also search for the similar identities and Punjab and elsewhere, the Dalit’s quest for identity can not be negated and discounted. Interestingly, the ‘experts’ from Punjab rarely brought this facts out how the agrarian community of upper caste Sikhs in Punjab has developed deep rooted prejudices and contempt towards the Dalits and the marginalized.

Punjab, they say, represent India’s pride, a state that changed us from a food importing country to a food sufficient country. Punjab, the state of green revolution, though many of us always questioned this. Yet, long back, I mentioned in one of my long notes that Punjab’s green revolution actually strengthened the feudal values. Feudalism is not just enemy of egalitarian values but thoroughly against nature and environment. Today, the beautiful land of Punjab have no water ( water level has depleted) and the mustered field have been replaced for cash crops and big wedding points and shopping malls which show the ‘growth’ rate of Punjab.


While none can condone the violence and burning of trains, the fact is, this incident in Vienna has happened at a time when we are still analyzing our poll results. Our national and international media suggested that India is now looking forward for a ‘progressive’ government, and that the current verdict was against ‘regionalism’, and casteism. Paradoxically, just a few days back, in the review committee meeting of World Conference Against Racism and Xenophobia, the international agencies, civil society organizations, governments failed to address the issue of caste. Despite much hype created in Durban about the discrimination based on caste, the government of India ensured that nothing happens on this front.

But then old habits die hard. Those, whose lives have been based on purity of castes, do not really change even when they go abroad. Those who believe in superiority of a particular race do not change even staying in countries where they enjoy freedom and civil liberties. Two most important and visible communities of India in abroad are from Gujarat and Punjab. Both these states are supposed to be growing with a growth rate more than our central figures. Both these states are fantastic for ‘investors’ and are providing ‘stable’ governments yet they are far behind the national figure of male female ratio. While the Muslims in Gujarat are still far boycotted and Dalits completely on the margins in the absence of a popular Dalit movement there, in Punjab the situation is different. Sikhism was actually a way of life which revolted against the caste hierarchies. Guru Granth Saheb is perhaps the only holy book where you have ‘sabad’ and kirtans of different Sufi Saints including Kabir, Ravidas, Dadu, Nanak and Jaisi. Yet, like every other revolution, the Sikkhism itself became victim of the hierarchical system as the Jats hijacked the social justice agenda of Sikhism. The agenda then turned to Sikh identity ignoring the demands and assertions of the Dalits, mostly the Majhabis and Ravidasis.

Punjab has the highest percentage of Dalit population (27%) and yet despite good economic changes, Dalits are discriminated by the Jats in not only Punjab but elsewhere. Unfortunately, in the name of minority rights, these Jaat Sikhs gets away with everything and turn violent. None of us can forget the case of Baant Singh, a Majahabi Sikh, whose hands and legs were chopped off by the powerful Jats because he objected to molestation of his daughter and raised the voice against discrimination in the Manasa region of Punjab. Ironically, Punjab did not burn then.

I have been involved in a similar fight for the Dalit rights in the Uttarakhand state’s Tarai where over 150 families of landless Dalits have not been able to get their land rights for over last twenty year despite favorable verdict from every court of the country including Supreme Court. Even when the Lokayukta of Uttarakhand found that contempt of the court verdict has been made by the authorities. The land grab by this powerful Jat Sikhs in the Tarai belt is well known to be described here. And who are the victims; it is predominantly the Dalits and tribal. The Tharus and Boxas are still tilling their own land as bonded labour. The Akalis and all the political parties actually tried to raise the issue of discrimination against Sikhs but the same time forget when they themselves discriminate against some one else.

The massacre in Vienna, as some Austrian papers wrote, is the sign of dirty side of Indian social system. Despite our government and intellectual hiding their misdeeds, caste is a reality in this country and Dalits at the receiving end. It is not therefore strange that the reports coming from Vienna blame the Ravidasis for ‘denigrating’ the Guru Granth Saheb. To justify a murder we make statement. Every fundamentalist create a situation to ensure that his viewpoint look rational. A dynamic way of life like Sikkhism could easily become victim of the caste hierarchies reflect that the Indians as a society become a follower of a person not because of his or her ideals but because of the birth based identity. Therefore, we end up respecting the person for being one among us and ‘preaching’ certain gospel and doing miracles in their names. A revolutionary therefore is brahmanised and converted into a money minting machine for the greedy leaders who make big business in the name of religion. This is true about every one. Religion has become the biggest threat to world peace and the sooner people understand the thugs doing business in the name, the better for the world peace. A revolutionary like Bhagat Singh, who wrote against religion and caste and had the courage to shave off his beard and hair, thus become symbol of ‘Jaat’ ‘pride or simply ‘ Chhora Jaat da’. When such things happen the Dalits would automatically opt for Udham Singh, a martyr who died for the cause of the country. Obviously, the mischief makers will create such divide based on caste for their own purposes leaving people fight. That unfortunately happened in Vienna.

That Sikkhism in Punjab is closely associated with power politics particularly as Akalies have used the Shiromani Gurudwara Prabandhak Committee ( SGPC) for their own purposes. The Gurudwaras help them control the sentiments of Sikh community. It is rare that this SGPC could ever come out against the caste based violence and caste system. If the caste based love affair meet with the worst form of action from the ‘grieved’ parents, it reflect to the very idea of society that exist in Punjab and how they inherit it elsewhere. The number of ‘honored killing’ or what could be suggested as ‘shameless killing’ by the Indian Diaspora, predominantly the Sikhs from Punjab reflects the ugly side of our growth pattern. Growth in term of economy can not really make a country great. Punjab’s caste discrimination actually reflect its ugly side that despite all this hoopla about Punjabiat, there is a darker side often hidden by our media and intellectuals.

There is no doubt about the fact the Sikhism was initially meant to demolish the caste system and idol worshipping. Guru Nanak’s message was universal and none can deny the important role that Gurudwaras played in social mobilization. It is an example. There is also little doubt that Punjab was better off then many other states in India in terms of violence against the Dalits. There was no brahmanical hegemony and Sikhism itself is a great way of life. But Punjab’s problem started with mixing of Sikhism with political agenda by various political parties. When SGPC become a part to control minds of people, then one can imagine the condition of the society.

One would have imagined that powerful movements like that of Nanak’s would have demolished the caste structure in Punjab. But contrary to that spirit, the caste discrimination grew because of feudal values. Punjab’s prosperity is because of the Dalit labour work harder in Punjab. The influence of Sufism in Punjab was tremendous and finding caste discrimination rampant the Majhabis and Ravidasis started their Deras and sects. And today the number of these Deras are over 300 in entire state.

Punjab’s Dalits mostly wanted to fight a religious battle through religiosity. Revolutionary Sufi saint Ravidas wrote “ Paradhinata paap hai, jaan lehu re meet, ravidas das pradhin se kaun karre hai preet’ meaning, please understand that enslavement is sin, Saint Ravidas says,who loves an enslaved person. Now such a person who talks of freedom. He says that those who studied Vedas were called Pandits ( Knowledgeable) and those who make your shoes were called Chamars. How can you divide one human race into so many caste and Varnas?

Ravidas attacked the brahmanical system and the Dalits in Punjab got liberation in his spiritual values. Many of the Ravidasis shifted to Europe and America and have actually followed the same pattern as the SGPC and other upper caste Sikhs in Punjab. When money floats a lot and not much to work, you only develop empty institutions for the purpose of religious change. Punjab’s religious sects are more spiritual in nature and have rarely helped the Dalits to get out of the Hindu varna fold. And therefore, the Dalits gets agitated on the issues when the religious leaders face threat or attacked which is absolutely right, yet the same people do not get agitated when their rights are not honored, when their daughters are discriminated and molested. It is the question one has to address.

I always wonder why Chamars, one of the most enlightened communities among the Dalits could get political wisdom in Uttar-Pradesh yet remain on the margin in Punjab despite better economic status. The answer was clear that in Uttar-Pradesh, despite poverty, they embraced Ambedkar’s methods of fighting a battle politically. In Punjab, it is still a spiritual battle for getting recognition. It is still the concentration of one sect and one cult and without much social change. The focus there have been more on more institutions, temples, charitable causes a clear pattern of the Sikhism which always believed in charity. Ofcourse, charity do not grant you right and in fact some time takes them away from you. Hence the issue of Punjab’s Dalit’s identity can not really get resolved through controlling Gurudwaras but in more enlightened political battle.

In the morning, I spoke to a friend in Punjab. I thought he was much agitated on the issue but then found that he did not belong to the same sect and hence he was not very happy with current turn of events. Punjab’s Dalits are powerful enough to give the powerful people a run for their money. Economic changes have given them a lot of things but they will have to understand that they will only be helping the status quoists if they do not raise their issues on a broader political front. Just using the spiritual battle will take you nowhere. One can understand that as long as the Jaat Sikhs will have their leadership from the powerful SGPC, the Deras will continue to provide alternative to Dalits. The incidents in Vienna are not isolated. It is basically to control the Sikh mind. Such incidents are not happening suddenly. Prejudices are being played by the political masterminds.

Not many years ago we saw the incidents to control Gurudwara in Talhan, in Jullandhar. As the Dalit’s assertion will try to match the upper caste power in Punjab, these issues will continue to threaten peace and harmony. The upper caste Sikhs seems to be deeply concern of the growing power of the Ravidasis and Majahabis, particularly those living abroad. The control is coming through the NRI money and therefore it is important for them to teach a lesson. Charges are leveled against Ravidasis that they disrespect the Gurugranth Saheb. It is absolutely false as I have attended their congregations in Punjab and found them extremely well versed in the Granth Saheb and respecting it. It is another matter that they recite the verses of Ravi Das also and there is nothing wrong in that. However, the real fear of those who disagree with the Ravidasis is their cry and matching power with the upper caste Sikhs. Like the statues of Ravidas Maharaj in the Gurudwara is a matter of heart burn for many of the upper caste Sikhs but then why should they have a problem with that. If you do not allow them to your Gurudwaras and if the Churas and Chamars (Punjabi Dalit writer Balbir Madhopuri’s autobiography clearly mention how the upper Caste Gurudwaras discriminated against the Dalits) continue to be treated like animals and discriminated against then these Deras would always provide them a strength. The Sikh leadership which predominantly hails from the upper caste background need to start a process of reconciliation and it will not work by calling a meeting of the upper caste parties. Punjab’s problem is the increasing gap between the Sikhs and the Dalit Sikhs. The Sikh leadership has failed to realize this issue and became equally brahmanical in nature therefore ignoring the vast interests of the Dalits in Punjab. Punjab’s Dalit need sharing in power and respect at every forum. Such threat as emerged from Vienna which tried to eliminate the spiritual leadership of Dalit will only anger them and create a further wage between the two communities which will end in clashes and fragile peace in Punjab, perhaps more dangerous than what we saw in the height of violence in Punjab in 1980s.

Prachanda's tryst with dissent

Democracy of Convenience in Nepal

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat

Nepal is facing the biggest crisis after the formation of new democracy. Prime Minister Prachanda has resigned after his government was reduced to a minority as partner UML party which has 108 members in the Parliament withdrew its support on the issue of sacking of the Chief of Nepal army General Katwal. The Maoist blamed him for being pro Indian and resisting the inclusion of their 19000 cadres which fought against the military. General Katwal and many other political parties felt that these political cadres of the Maoists will be a grave threat and the army would then be indoctrinated. Ofcourse, it is a fact the same army was under the royalty and was considered to be an obedient supporter of the erstwhile royalty.

The Maoists are in the street. Prachanda seems to have gone back to where he belonged to, which is guerilla warfare. The Nepalese political system, which was held to ransom by an autocratic monarch, is now sandwiched between the forces of democracy and those who use democracy to hijack it.

One needs not to be an analyst to see why Prime Minister Prachanda resigned so fast. Nepal’s people are completely disappointed with the current lot of politicians and the Maoists raised hopes for them but current problems that cropped in Nepal, could not really provide them with innovative ideas or radical ideas. The economic disparities remain the same. The long lines for petrol and diesels could always be seen at the petrol pumps. The economy was in doldrums. The former gorillas were now power centre with gunmen surrounding them and distancing them from the people.

But now the historical moment of democratizing the Nepalese society seems to be slipping out of Nepal’s hand. Prachanda and his comrades seem to fuel anti Indian sentiments to further their own agenda which has never been democratic. It is strange that the forces of change, as they claim, are afraid of democratic dissent. It is the irony of democracy that it becomes victim of anti democratic forces who use democracy for their vicious agenda. We have in India, all the anti democratic forces, riding on the wave of democracy to further their casteist and hate agenda.

However, Nepal looked an exception. Nearly 10 years war of the Maoists against the Monarch, whose stories were well established in the political circle, whose anarchist son would rampage at any place to fulfill his whims and fancies, the people of this kingdom, joined hand and revolted against the age old monarchy. To the credit of the Maoists, they forced the dictatorship of the monarchy out. Had they been not there, I would bet, the Nepalese congress and other political parties did not have the courage to tell the King to leave the Narayanhiti place, which is now a national Museum.

In August, after Prachanda assumed the charge of the nation, a lot of things were expected. Prime Minister took oath in a different way; of course, his red tilak was always there. His deputy Babu Ram Bhattarai have been more argumentative on the issue of breaking the ‘feudal’ structure of Nepal. The prime minister actually in a recent international conference organized by International Land Coalition and government of Nepal argued for a scientific land reform. All his ministers have been talking about it. For us it was a difficult preposition but then Bhattarai said that many of the old mindset in Nepal still resists their original ‘revolutionary’ land reform and hence they undertook a middle path and said it will be ‘scientific’ land reform.

Both Prachanda and Babu Ram Bhattarai, may not be ignorant to the blatant casteist society in Nepal. It flourished during the regime of the king who considered himself as the incarnation of Lord Vishnu. Unfortunately, the ‘revolutionaries’ in Nepal keep a conspicuous silence on it. After hearing them so many times, none of them ever use the word ‘ Dalits’ or ethnic minorities to describe about oppression and exploitation. Why is the current regime of Nepal living in a continuous mode of denial, and does not say a single word against the atrocious caste system of Nepal? Fighting war against feudalism is welcome but the caste oppression in Nepal is not just feudalism. It exists even among the poor. So a poor Brahmin is not equal to poor Dalit as being projected by the Maoists. A visit to many of these areas of Nepal suggest how the Dalit still face boycott and tyranny of the upper castes in the villages, schools still have the same structure, water is not available to Dalits, job reservation is not meant for them and hence if Prachanda and his company talks of ‘scientific land reform’, one sincerely hope, it wont be the rigged ‘reforms’ as the CPM has done in West Bengal, which never reached the Dalits. Contrary to this, these progressive left actually turned oppressor against the Dalits as their ‘perceived’ notion that ‘caste’ does not exist simply because they do not believe in it. In the name of looking ‘progressive’ by using ‘internationally’ ‘acceptable’ terms of class, feudalism etc, the Maoists seem to be defending a status quo in Nepal which subjugated people for centuries. The Dalits in Nepal are looking for a change, a democratic one which gives them opportunity to develop. A mere manufactured consent of Dalit yes to their ‘initiative’ will not suffice.

Having tracked down their issues, I am amazed that none of them ever raised the issue of how the ‘cult of Kumari’ which is nothing but a ‘celebration’ of virginity and patriarchical feudal values are still allowed and none of the revolutionaries are seen speaking against the same. Similarly, a majority of the landless labours, share croppers in Nepal are Dalits. What stops the Maoists to speak openly on the issue and develop Dalit leadership and not just show pieces who do not raise the issue of caste discrimination and continue to ‘fight’ against ‘feudalism’ or simply ‘samantshahi’.

Now, the situation in Nepal is alarmingly changing. More and more anti India rhetoric are on the air. One can understand that New Delhi actually messed up things in such a way that average Nepali feel that India does not respect them as an independent nation but simply as another state of India. It is ironical that all the democratic movements in Nepal never had an Indian support. May be because of the government of India’s policy of not offending a neighboring power, the Maoists propaganda worked that India is not interested in strengthening the democratic system there. But at the end of the day democracy has to come through our own struggle and interference from an external power would not work.

Immediately assuming the power, Prachanda went to China. The government of Nepal wants a similar treaty with China as it has with India. While every country is free to make its choices, one is sure that Prachanda and his friend know that culturally India and Nepal are closer and any thing on part of the Maoists to go against that would not work in Nepal.

When the Nepal fought against tyranny of the king, it was people’s desire to be free from the shackles of monarch and dictators. The Maoists played a lead role in getting rid of the oligarchs who destroyed Nepal. But then democracy throws strange results. It brings to the forefront those forces, who do not have faith in democracy. The fifty years of Indian democracy has the similar experience when the feudal forces got legitimized through democratic set up. In Nepal, Prachanda and his associates harped much on the Chinese vision and blamed India for every evil.

One has to understand why the Maoist government was keen to establish itself beyond India. The fascination comes from various aspects. One, Chinese brand of people’s democracy has no faith in dissent and the Maoists actually failed during the past few months. Their working pattern was no less than feudalistic like our own monarchs who pretend to represent the poor. Secondly, Prachanda’s own son has no good record than Paras, the autocratic son of former king. The expectations that the Maoists raised to its cadre actually were fast receding and therefore they needed the rhetoric.

One needs to ask the question to the Maoists and all those sympathizers. How can they include their cadre into the army of a country? Is Nepal a moist country? As an ideology, one should not afraid of it, but as a nation Maoists and Nepal can not be used in interchangeable term. Nepal as a nation is much bigger than Prachanda and his Maoist army. Nepal paid a price of the submissive royal devotees as army chief. Now if the royal Nepalese army is being replaced by the one loyal to Prachanda, then one can for sure understand that Maoist war against the Monarchy was not on pure ideals of democracy but to thrust their way of dictatorship on a nation which is asking for more democratic liberal values.

Country’s armed forces, educational institutions, judiciary and media need to be free from these ideological biases. If Nepal has to develop then they can not have a democracy hijacked by those who do not believe in it and want to use it for their own nefarious purposes. Nepal’s tryst with destiny is to open itself to its diverse population, ethnic minorities and destroy the age old feudal structure led by the priestly class amply supported by the King. Unless that priestly class is attacked, the slogans of ‘revolution’ will remain the biggest humbug. Unfortunately, the Maoist government was not bothered to use this terminology. May be because they feared the issue of representation of the Dalits with in the party and government will always be raised.

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Democracy may have many flawed. We witness it in India but democracy at the end is a level playing field. Whether we like it or not, Lalu, Ramvilas, Maywati, Narendra Modi and Prakash Karath are the reality of the day in India. Such things are not that easy in Nepal. The Dalits with in the communist set up are afraid to speak up against the brahmanical leadership of the political structure there in Nepal. One can understand the difficulties of the leadership in speaking plainly against the caste structure as a majority of them hails from one particular community and the top brass of the Communist Party of Nepal are particularly Brahmins. Ofcourse, there are a few showpieces as Dalit ministers very much like what used to be in India with mainstream parties in the past. The Maoists know it well that it is important to use this symbol of Dalit empowerment through individual ministers who fail to impress with their work.

It is important that Nepal find a way out. The Nepalese society is democratizing itself. It needs more diversity and the Maoists will never allow that diversity to function. No doubt the political parties have their problems and corruptions but the danger to Nepal may not come from corruption that much as from the centralization of forces and corruption of ideology. In the name of revolution, you can not confine people to a particular perception. Ideologies have to be fought with ideology. Nepal’s tryst lies with a vibrant democracy. For Indians who have always thought Nepal as their own part, it is better to lay off but definitely, the cultural ties between the two countries are so strong that the political leadership can not keep away from it. If the Maoists are really interested in a vibrant democracy then they will have to use their ‘indoctrinated’ cadre for political purposes rather than forcing them to join the army. For Nepal, the biggest danger is between different kinds of indoctrinated soldiers. Democracy gives ample space to every one to survive and opportunity to negotiate. One hope that the Prachanda led party will not put Nepal into turmoil again. The earlier one, they had pretence of a monarch but now every one has its say. Fighting against each other will only ruin Nepal. Time for all those who believe in democracy to come together and find a solution. Nepal can not afford another round of instability and killing of the innocent people. Again the monarchy is gone but the monarch is still witnessing. The Hindutva’s champions are sitting there and if the democratic polity fails in Nepal, the forces of patriarchy and monarchy will come through democratic mandate. Prachanda should visualize this and show more maturity and negotiating skills rather than mobilizing his rabble rousers in the street.

Democratise the polity

India’s tryst with Democracy

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat


Indian Justice Party’s candidate Lal Bahadur Sonkar, who was contesting from Jaunpur constitucney of Uttar-Pradesh was found dead, hanging on a tree yesterday. This famous town of Uttar-Pradesh, just about 40 kilometer from Varanasi, has never been that tensed. Sonkar, a Dalit himself was one of the candidates in the fray. The BSP had fielded Dhananjay Singh, who is well known here, not for his social work for his strong ‘muscles’. Whether some body is good or bad has become really a matter of convenience. Hence if Mulayam Singh embraced Kalyan Singh then he is not involved in demolition of Babari mosque. Gangsters are fighting elections and the courts are unable to do so but our government feel threatened with one Dr Binayak Sen that he has even been denied right to get medical test. Despite much voices of protest, this democracy, it seems, is afraid of releasing him from Jail that it does not feel shame of keeping him in Jail without any trial for the past one and a half year. So democracy is not just elections in five years, but our polity will have to be democratic.

Therefore it is not right here for me to mention about how our ministers are giving certificates about who is good and who is bad. While Varun Gandhi’s hate speech rightly placed him at the Jail, Mayawati yesterday gave a certificate to Mukhtar Ansari as ‘Garibon ka masiha’. Ofcourse, it is true that Mukhtar may not be as communal we make him and that his family has played an important role in India’s freedom struggle, but that does not exonerate him for the charges that he is facing in the courts of law.

During this election, we have seen worst kind of public speeches. And there is one common thing. While the Hindutva party is exclusively claiming that it can fight against ‘terrorism’ and ensure ‘National Security’, others are happy with positioning them as the sole champion of ‘secularism’ in the country. And hence Lalu want to bulldoze ‘Varun Gandhi’, like latter’s father did in 1975 at the Turkman gate in Delhi for beatification of the city. Muslims do not need these nautankis but solid promises as why they are left behind and what will parties do to ensure their faire participation in nation building. But we all know whether political parties have given tickets to them or not. A 12% Muslim society does not get 12% tickets even from so called secular parties. Even if they ask for it, the demand would be termed as communal. And here lies the tragedy of democracy.

Every body welcomed when a certain Jarnail Singh threw shoe on Chidambaram, despite the fact that jarnail actually betrayed his profession and became a ‘Sikh’. The problem in such perception is that when Congress party denied ticket to two of its sitting Member of Parliament’s m/s Jagdish Tytlor and Sajjan Kumar after the Sikhs have protested. The Hindutva party, whose goons were also involved in anti Sikh massacre in Delhi as many reports have proved and that Rajiv Gandhi won on an entirely communal mandate in 1984 which was based on hatred against Sikhs. Same thing is true about another gentleman called Narendra Modi, but he is the hero number one of the saffron party. We have hate mongerers given ticket from Kandhamal, in Orrisa. Problem with people like Jarnail Singh is that they open up their eyes when they feel their community is wronged. They keep quiet when others face such things. How can Akalis side with BJP which is accused of doing worst kind of pogrom in Gujarat. But then the record of Jaat Sikhs towards Dalits is well known in Punjab and we have faced their wrath in Shaheed Udham Singh Nagar, when I demanded land ceiling be imposed there as a majority of land has illegally been grabbed by the powerful Jat Sikhs from Punjab. The problem in democracy is that we give our version, speak the truth of convenience.

We all know politicians and political parties play games. They use words very carefully and reject that very next day. When Varun made that hate speech, the idea was to make his ‘entry’ into politics as the new hero of ‘Hindutva. The agenda was not this election but next one when a generation of the second generation of BJP leaders too would turn old and there is a dearth of leader who could claim to represent the youths of the country.

Tickets are being sold, money being pumped and election commission despite its role and monitoring is helpless as Netas are thick skinned. But the mass upsurge is equally happening. The urban middle classes are fed up with the current lot of political class while in the forest, the tribal and those who are victims of the current dispensation, are up in arms. So there is a wider disenchantment in public life.

We celebrate today the birthday of one of the greatest heroes of democracy and modernity. Yes, Dr Bhim Rao Ambedkar who brought 16 crore Dalits into national mainstream and made them believe in Democracy. Yet the same Ambedkar had warned in the constituent Assembly that if this democracy does not provide social and economic justice to his people, they will blow up the very structure of democracy we all have built so laboriously.

A democrat by heart, Ambedkar knew it well that ours is a democracy imposed on a feudal society, where the leaders always want to be looked as a messiah. He was prophetic when he wanted to liberate every individual. He did feel that individual is supreme but what happen today is the death that individual in our democracy. Democracy has become the best way to legitimize the illegal acts. Legitimise the goons to say that they are political leaders and that their misdeeds have been ‘approved’ by the people. Democracy today has made communities apolitical and depoliticized their thoughts. Hence you are really not voting to a party of ideology but voting to an individual who you feel belongs to your caste or religion.

I am not saying this has happened just now. Things evolve and evolution has come in such a way that it is very difficult for dissenting voices to contest elections when mainstream political parties are spending billions of rupees. When the big industrialists, mafias can fight election at their will or if they are barred from contesting the election, their ‘ideal wives’ take over therefore making democracy as a family business, then we must realize that writing is on the wall and that such things will not be helpful in promoting the ideas of social democracy as these things are anti democratic and are just stamping them leveled as democratic.
Hence democracy has become a game for entry into elitist circle. The choices are limited. Initially, this club has the domination of the upper castes now the membership has been extended to a few powerful individuals and parties from Dalit and shudra communities also so their quest is equally satisfied.

Uttar-Pradesh and Bihar are two politically volatile states. Many claimed that they have brought Dalit-bahujan revolution. However, after look at the village politics, I can say things are not that simple as our theoreticians make us believe. The churning of the Dalit backward communities happened in these two states. In fact, Bihar does seem much better than Uttar-Pradesh in this regard as people are now questioning politicians and it is not easy for both Lalu and Ramvilas to just hanker on ‘who stopped Advani’. People want work and politicians who raised aspirations and hope miserably failed them. Uttar-Pradesh experience or experiment of Sarvajan is on test. It succeeded in UP because of the peculiar caste equations and there is no guarantee of its success. Yet, the problem with this exercise is that that dominant upper caste communities have become stronger here and the Dalit remain victims. Now, they can not open their mouth. They have to vote to the people who are seen in the village lives as their enemies. And hence it is the travesty of the truth. A Sonker is killed because he is considered as vote –katua by his opponent. Dalit vote is transferrable hence the upper castes are bowing to Behinji for a ticket and got it. Hence we see an upsurge of upper castes particularly Brahmins in UP glorifying Mayawati as they have got much beyond their numbers. They are ready to play second fiddle and that too, only to Bahinji and not to Dalit community, as long as they get power and position and BSP has given them.

These elections mean a lot for people of India. They will mean a lot for Dalits and OBCs of India. Their politics will see a sea change. The cries of Indians who still have not got their due, the failure of democracy as providing justice are crucial factor. People will question. Netas can not be messiahs but will have to deliver. The biggest factor in democracy is the voices of Dalits, and marginalized. They will now question. Their vote matter but no work is done to them. If even after 60 years people are eating rats and snails in UP and Bihar, or Orissa and Andhra, then it is shame on us.

Democracy is not just elections. Democracy is the spirit. Democracy is how we respect people and take a decision by asking people. Is this happening. The distance between our political class and people is increasing. The political class feels that people are too proud of them hence they do not need to deliver. They feel that people are happy to see them hovering in helicopter. India is changed. The poor are changing. They will seek answer and the way Bihar has revolted and thrashed leaders, will be seen in public life.

It is important that we do not surrender our selves to political class. It is important that this political class just do not use us for its own purposes. Their agendas are big... they come in different names but at the end promote them selves as larger than life. People have aspirations from them but they never get filled. ‘ I have given them nothing but swar, i.e. voice, Lalu Yadav would often say, but he knows it well that people will not be satisfied with ‘Swar’ only, they need employment, they need job and they need justice.

The voices of people should not satisfy with electing one party or other. An awakened people can control their leaders. The parliament which is becoming a place where we surrender our sovereignty. Look how Binayak Sen is still languishing in Jail and our political leaders are contesting elections. What is the fault of Binayak Sen ? They have not been able to prove. He is a Naxalite, said the government. The voices of newspapers in Chhatisgharh are shut. So are our voices too. Democracy is becoming too strong for us to speak for those who the state feels ‘anti-national’, without proving their crime. We faced it. Such frivolous charges against any one who dissent with the establishment are the norms of the day. I have got such a charge from the intelligence that I am influenced by ‘ leftist ideology’. Is being a leftist a crime? While I am not that and discard the Naxal violence, not because they are violent but because we believe in democracy, freedom and choice and sadly the Maoists-Naxal do not believe in that. They still believe in their own confined world and protected fences and become sole arbitrator of people’s choices and ideas which is unacceptable.

As a person devoted to democratic values and freedom, I feel that the challenges are too big. Our political class does not understand the differences between ideologies and perception. They want to shut our voices in the name of isms. Whether it is Maoism, or naxalism or Islamism, our state feel threatened with ideology. Despite India being too big and diverse, people of India have decided to live together. It is not the politicians but a spirit of togetherness that bind them together. They will fight back against all anti democratic norms. Let us save democracy from the clutches of feudal lords.

The largest democracy of the world does not seek people’s opinion from displacing them. Who will allow them to displace them? The largest democracy in the world has its people, still carrying night soil over their head and cleaning shit, largest democracy still have huge number of child labor and bonded labor... the largest democracy has failed to provide justice and Dalits and Adivasis. It is making them enslaved. Democracy will not succeed in symbols and enlarging the elite clubs of billionaires. Democracy will succeed when every body will have freedom to dissent and live a life of dignity and self respect.

Let our political class not live in the caged past. Let them follow what Dr Ambedkar said ‘not to glorify our past and our village system’. Let the political class not take shelter in our great ‘culture’ and great ‘villages’ of India where our caste live and which still live in ignorance and nepotism, as Ambedkar prophetically mentioned. Unlike Mulayam Singh, whose son went to Australia to learn English language or Charan Singh who said he would stop computers by sending his son Ajit Singh to US to learn that, let the political class be honest enough to accept what they personally believe and behave. Let there be no duality in our life, one masked for people and other for our own selves. Our issues are bigger than English language. Our issues are bigger than poll rhetoric’s. Let us work to democratize our political class, our villages and socialize democracy otherwise, democracy will only be like surrendering our soveignity to a class which has no concern for people and which is hell bent on depoliticizing the whole society by deviating people’s issue and becoming individual centric. One must not expect too much from this exercise yet it is certain that a lot of churning will happen at the ground level as people are watching everything closely. Those people who think that rural poor do not understand thing and vote in emotions will have to eat their word after elections. Nobody can save a country or a society if intellectual become bankrupt. The spirit and ideas of Ambedkar are still alive and relevant, it is time we move ahead and spread his words and ideas in the true spirit of democracy and human freedom which will liberate us and give millions their dignity.