Wednesday, July 25, 2007

Hunger in Uttar-Pradesh

Hungry world of Dalits in Poorvanchal

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat



The so-called War against Hunger started at the 1997 Rome Summit where world leaders pledged to support programmes to eliminate hunger and alleviate poverty to half of that time’s below the poverty line people who do not even earn 1 USD a day. That time the number was estimated to be 864 million and half of them were in South Asia. It is strange that since 1997, these world leaders have started forcing the third world countries to comply with the norms that are essentially anti poor. Social security is an old word of socialist era and considered to be out of date in India. The Hindutva government that time was going crazy over the India shining approach just ignoring a vast number of masses who were dying of hunger and starvation. In fact, those of us who were bringing these issues to the public domain were discouraged. Media did not want to broadcast and publish the stories which spoil the taste of their subscribers in the morning.

Background of the work on hunger

That way 2004’s general election was a watershed. It was an election fought on the false premise of India shining. Despite hunger and starvation deaths in various parts of India particularly Orissa, Rajathan, Chhatishgarh, Maharastra, Madhya Pradesh, Jharkhand, Andhra Pradesh and Uttar-Pradesh nothing moved much in the government front. People’s Union for Civil Liberties filed a petition in Supreme Court in 2002 against the hunger deaths in 7 states. The Supreme Court issued notices to these states and their anti poverty programmes and as a civil society follow up of the entire case National Right to Food Campaign took birth. The Supreme Court issued various directives to the governments particularly in relation to Public Distribution System, BPL Cards, Widow and aged pension schemes, Integrated Child Development Programmes. The hearing continue but the real changes do not occur.

The campaign was launched on the premise that Food Corporation of India’s go downs were overflowing with grains ( in fact grain got rotten ) while people were living in abject hunger and poverty was a shame to India.

In the 2004 elections therefore, when the UPA government came to power in Center, it looked as if it has learnt a few lessons from the past government. A National Advisory Council was formed with eminent names like Jean Dreze and Aruna Roy were made members under the chairpersonship of Mrs Sonia Gandhi. The government decided to renew the anti poverty programmes. Since fund were never problems with the government’s finance ministry went out to woe the rural masses. Campaign was launched for a bill like the Maharastra’s Employment Guarantee Programme so that every one gets employment. The government’s bosses also felt that this programme could be a good idea to implement their own liberalization and privatization process and ‘purchase’ the people with one hundred days employment.

One hundred districts were selected for National Employment Guarantee Scheme for the first phase. Now new districts have been added to the list but violence continue in rural India. A large part of India is under the Naxal influence and it is growing day by day. People are still dying of hunger despite millions of dollars being pumped by the aid agencies and the government. We must ponder over this situation otherwise India’s poor will revolt one day and trash everything that we call democratic.

Conditions prevailing in Uttar-Pradesh

It is rather unfortunate that despite a clear verdict of the masses against the concept of privatization and economic liberlisation, the rulers do not want to change their track. Earlier after the elections we saw over throwing of the government in Haryana, Punjab Andhra Pradesh and Uttarakhand. The biggest turn around was Uttar-Pradesh. While the analyst might claim that it was Mayawati’s Brahmin-Dalit combination that got her victory, it would be simply generalizing the facts if we ignore the fact the UP people also voted against Uttar-Pradesh Shining and policy of private crony culture of Mr Mulayam Singh Yadav and his government.

Therefore, when Uttar-Pradesh was shining, just a few months back, I was getting lot of information related to hunger and starvation deaths in the Eastern Part of Uttar-Pradesh. During the past five years in particular, having spend a lot of time with activists and villagers, I realized that the aid agencies, the government and the so-called civil society organizations are far removed from the grassroots reality. Even the media was not reciprocating it at the national level while the local papers were reporting incidents of hunger deaths.

Four districts of Poorvanchal (Eastern Uttar-Pradesh) namely Maharajganj, Kushingar, Deoria and Gorakhpur witness the dance of death every year. Two of these district Kushinagar and Gorakhpur were selected for the NREGA programme while Maharajganj has also been selected for the same from this year. All these districts saw a large number of deaths due to hunger and malnutrition despite all these programmes. The pattern was similar yet nothing happened. When we decided to move on a Padyatra in these districts, it was in fact a reiteration of our earlier stand about the failure of not only aid agencies and government but also civil society. Let us investigate some of these programmes and international campaigns.

18 tribal children died in Raup village of Sonebhadra district in 2004 and the National Human Rights Commission issued notice to the state government. A very senior activist Late M.A.Khan would always question the ‘national’ campaigners who would come for a day in Sonebhadra and disappear after ‘attaining’ everything. These national organizations destroyed the local initiatives by creating division in them. Khan died an unsatisfied man, a man who would have got huge funds to support his work on hunger yet remain penniless till he breathed his last. A mobile library in his ownself, Khan’s work was used by many for their projects in the area.

What irked Khan was that Sonebhadra has a large number of NGOs with ‘National’ outlook. These days apart from being from the ‘press’ get you exclusive sitting at most important places, a tag from human rights also give you strength to manipulate things. With international human rights organization jumping in local fray and acting as a party, the human rights have become abusive term. Agencies write letters on every individual cases of ‘dowry’, ‘rape’ ‘sexual harassment’ and everything under the sun. These organizations are not running any systematic campaigns but are totally depended on the fancy of a few individuals who not only manipulate things but also pretend as if they are the sole protectors of the civil liberties in their area and their life is under the ‘threat’ from the landlords. The agencies who support such propagandists forget to ask their own background as a majority of them have established background and it is rare that they would speak against their own family and caste men. Activists from Uttar-Pradesh are rather smarter in this. They claim to have been fighting against ‘caste’ system but do not give any idea to local communities and people as what is the panacea for it. These are provided to international masters only who present them to their donors as their ‘work’ in India. Most of these international fellows have got strong support from their own communities, as it is rare they would speak against their own community. Hence if you are a Thakur, you will bring the cases of Brahmins, Yadavas, Kurmis for oppressing the Dalits terming them as ‘feudal lords’, while if you happen to be a Brahmin, the cases would be different, so will be the case with Kurmis and others. Everybody try to save the interest of their own community making the other community oppressing the Dalits. So, the downfall of Uttar-Pradesh is in the nepotism and propaganda that these human rights fellows unleash through internet and emails.

The National Right to Food Campaign became a tool to further their own interest and you do not know how many of them exist in Uttar-Pradesh. The politics in the NGOs is more rampant in Uttar-Pradesh. In the name of so-called advocacy and lobbying they make every criminal case as a human rights violation case and if their activists are involved in local feud, it is termed as a threat to their life.

Development need community centered approach

Aid agencies flocked to Sonbhadra, Varanasi, Kushingar, Bhadohi, Bundelkhand and other such ‘poor’ district to ‘eliminate’ hunger yet despite all this people continue to die of hunger. In Kushinagar district’s Koilaswa village became the hub of activities for aid agencies. Number of community organizations were created and their only visible work was ‘wall writing’ related to the rights of Mushahars. One must ask these agencies and their partners as where has the money gone and why even a village with about 500 Mushahar families still have largest number of hungry people and unsafe huts. This village saw 18 children dying of Kalajwar several years ago. Most of the Mushahars here live in huts. Very few of them have got the NREGA card to get some work. None of them can claim to have got even 10 days work under NREGA. Last year, when I visited to this village, a large number of huts were burnt due to fire but this year some of these houses were being constructed under Indira Awas Yojna. The Sarpanch, the secretary of the Panchayats is corrupt say the people but where are the organizations working. Why do they not organize people and take them to the district magistrate and show them them the condition of the NREGA schemes in the area. The fact of the matter is that we claim to create a civil society in the poorest areas. My question is whose civil society it would be ?
How come the work being done on Mushahars, Scavengers do not have persons heading from these communities? It is here the aid agencies have defaulted. They promoted Dalit groups in the name of Dalit identity but rarely bothered to check further whether the same kind of identity which different caste groups are demanding have been accepted by them. When we talk of scavenger or Mushahars or Rajbhars why is that it is the people from other communities leading the movement and not from them. The argument that these communities do not have ‘leadership’ skills is racist and brahmanical in nature and need to be questioned.

It was this long thought that came in mind trying to analyze the caste scenario with poverty that I realize that developmental agenda would have to be community based. Fifty years programmes of development never reached the people. The targets were not specified clearly. They were vague and not according to the demographic set up of the villages. Hence Mushahrs, Bansfors, Rajbhars, Pasis and Chamars remained at the margin. Though people might argue that after Maywati’s ascendance to power Chamar have been ‘empowered’, this notion itself is wrong. The community, no doubt, is politically assertive, yet economically very marginalized in the Eastern Uttar-Pradesh and Bundelkhand.

Humanism Needed

Hunger is not natural but man made with deep socio-cultural dimension. When the major district of Poorvanchal, the rural poor do not possess enough grain to cook two time a meal, the forces of rightwing Hindutva are equally powerful. Just when Navratris are finished, the Goddess Tarkulha Devi’s temple witnesses thousands of goats being slaughtered to please the goddess. And it is not just one goddess, such temples exists all the districts. Kushingar is famous Buddhist center as Buddha preached here for 20 years and died at the end. Japanese, Thai, Barmese, Korean temples are present here. More and more religious groups are coming here to spread their wings. Not only the famous Gorakhdham peeth headed by BJP MP Mahant Aditya Nath have made great inroads among the communities but not on working against hunger but hatred. You can find posters of Hindu Yuva Vahini everywhere. At a place during our Padyatra when I asked to a villager, as ‘which community he belonged to ?’, the emphatic answer was that only ‘Hindus’ live here. Which clearly indicate that they were not keen on speaking on poverty on hunger but on anti Muslim rhetoric’s. In Deoria, we went to a village called Mundera Mishra where a large number of fishermen community live apart from the powerful Brahmins. As soon as we started talking about anti poverty programmes, about the ration cards and other such schemes, the people from Brahmin community came and started altercating with us. ‘ As long as you will allow the Muslims to eat everything that our country produces, we can not alleviate poverty’. I was shocked to hear this as there were no Muslims in the village and we were talking about issue of fishermen, ration card and anti poverty programmes in the village.

Walking towards Rudrapur from Deoria, we met with a group of boys catching rats. They belonged to Rajbhar community. As mentioned earlier three communities of Mushahars, Rajbhars and Chauhans are living in pathological hunger and forced to eat rats. The children who should have been going to school actually were grazing the cattle’s on a rainy day. None of them go to school. The food situation in their house was difficult. They caught several rats and took us to a school to roast them like Kababs. One could see the glee in their faces as they enjoyed their lunch after such hunger. One wonders where the aid agencies have gone. Rajbhar and Chauhan community does not come under the Scheduled Caste category but their condition can not be regarded as better than the Dalits. Yes, they are MBCs and are forced to live in isolation and ostracisation. It was village Sarora where I did not see a single rajbhar house which could be pucca.

On the road we met a Rajbhar tractor driver who was not very happy with the turn of events in Uttar-Pradesh. Clearly, his thoughts were not with Behenji and were saddened with the demise of the Rajbhar party of Om Prakash Rajbhar. I asked them as why don’t they organize community for their socio-economic-cultural benefit. Why we need to politicize all the issues when the basic issue of hunger and poverty have not yet resolved.
Tragedy in Uttar-Pradesh was that while people were politically assertive may be they have sold their conscience to their caste identity but beyond that nothing is moving. Normally, no body question their political leaders for the work they are not doing. People do not seem to be interested in listening to other communities. If you belong to same community they become over enthused. This actually has resulted in a generation of middlemen who sale the community for small pie.

In the Vindhyawalia bastee of fishermen, I did not find a single house to be pucca. The fishermen have lost their habitat because of soil erosion brought out by the river Chhoti Gandak. In the absence of fishing people migrate to other states particularly to Goa for sand mining. We saw many of those exploited hands during our visit. It was shocking to see how the mining has not only made them entire generation of fishermen slave to several diseases including skin problems and breathing problems.

In many Mushahar bastees children do not go to school. At one village out of nearly 300 children, I could speak to only two who claimed they were going to school. The schools are quite far and most of the time the parents have no money to pay the school fee and hence are unable to send them. Moreover, the exploitation is so much that children once scolded by the teachers seldom go back. Local liquor is a daily routine. Most of the women are involved in making liquor. During summers Tadi is favorite drink. Even the children drink it for Rs 5/- a glass. They remain hungry during the entire day.

Japan government and world bank are working on Maitryee Project in Kushingar which will displace about several hundred small farmers as it need to acquire over 600 acre of land to build biggest Buddhas of Bamiyan type. It is very unfortunate that while Kushinagar and all these nearby areas are witnessing Tandava of hunger for the past 10 years, none of the so-called religious groups ever bothered about their fate. Superstition is very high in the region and poverty is linked to fete and the bad karma of the previous birth, therefore justifying the current structure of injustice and exploitation.

That is one reason why during our padyatra, we made it a point to raise the issue of right over people’s resources and for dignity and freedom. Our campaign was not just limited to land redistribution but against the exploitative nature of our society, our caste system and ritualistic religious values which dehumanize the people.

Environmental Dangers

It is strange that the environmental degradation and its impact on communities such as fishermen and farmers have rarely been raised in Poorvanchal. Perhaps because during the past few years environment has become a subject for the urban elite to discuss where they can think of throwing the communities like tribal away from the forest. But, in Poorvanchal, the issue is real and the threat as ever. All the major rivers of Poorvanchal, Rapti, Chhoti Gandak, Gurra, Amy etc are thoroughly polluted. They have turned to gutter as the sewage water of the distilleries and sugar factories flows into them. There is no anti pollution measures and one wonder what is UP Pollution Control Board is doing. In Kaptanganj and Ramkola towns of Kushingar district the local sugar mills and distilleries are throwing huge chemical waste in the river Gandak. The sewage water spills into the fields thus destroying the crops. In fact many time there have been agitation against the same in Ramkola where farmers are genuinely agitated over the destruction of a vast track of their land. The drinking water is contaminated and most of the people in area suffer from various diseases. In March 1999 an agreement was signed in the presence of district magistrate along with farmers and UP Sugar Corporation Ltd under which the sugar mills had to develop sewage water treatment plant and would pay compensation to the farmers. It was also agreed that in Mathura Nagar area of Ramkola over 7 people had died during 1999 with drinking contaminated water. Things have not changed yet after so many years. One can see the burnt field with stinking smell which make any one sink.

About 6 kilometer away from Chaurichaura is famous Sardar Nagar owned by Sardar S.S.Majithia whose terror also run in the village. Without any treatment plant the sewage is drained into river Gurra, a tributary of Rapti. Farmers are agitated over it and fishermen have lost every thing, as there is no fish catch these days. Now, the village people are planning to approach the court. When our Padyatra approached the Sardarnagar distillery and was taking photographs and video shoot of the area, the company stalkers started haunting us. ‘ Why have you come here ? Who are you ? Show us your identity card ? I told the person that we are on a Padyatra and are looking the environmental hazards of the sugar factories and other mills in the area. And that people are complaining and they have a right to seek redressal. The person threatened us not to take further photographs. ‘ We have certificate from UP Pollution Control Board’ he said and I retorted back as why he was worried then?

Sardarnagar factories do not have sewage line. A large number of sweeper who live in the vicinity have been working on contract labour for the past 20 years and their salaries have not gone beyond Rs 3000/-. They were shown the door when they question for more salary and bonus etc . It is no secret that manual scavenging is prevalent inside the campus of the sugar mill and distillery as the toilets are kuchcha. While the company may make the pollution control people fool by saying they have now flush toilets, the fact is that inspite of that, these toilets and their pits need to be cleaned annually and it is the local Hellas (Muslim Scavengers) and Bansfors who are doing the cleaning work.

Apart from chemical waste in the rivers, the other threat to the rivers of Poorvanchal is from the mechanized sand mining. Rivers particularly Chhotigandak has gone deep down with sand mining and it is adding to the woes of farmers every year during the monsoon as often it change the track and erode the different area. Many localities, villages have been permanently submerged because of this soil erosion by river Gandak, and Ghaghara.
They are considered to be the most dangerous rivers. In Gorakhpur district river Rapti often play havoc and people still tremble narrating the horrific tale of flood in 1999 and 2002 when hundreds of villages disappeared. Thousands of hectares of land is now turned sandy and farmers have no other choice but to migrate and become labours.

Prevailing Hunger and malnutrition:

Navami is 25 years old. He has three sons and two daughters. Living as an encroacher on the road, he has turned saffron these days after a cow hit him on his leg. The family went to a local Jholachaap doctor for the treatment who has in fact destroyed his feet. He has become virtually disabled and is barely able to walk. Navmi’s father lives about 200 meter away from his Jhopadi in the Mushahar Bastee of Bishanpurwa village in Premwalia Panchayat of district Kushingar. Bishanpura is predominantly a Dalit habitat in which a substantial chunk of Chamars and Mushahars live. Chamar because of the politicization process in the past 15 years are relatively better organized and aware of their conditions but Mushahar because of their lesser numbers as well as worst economic conditions remains on margin. At a distance of about 8 kilometer from the town Kasaya, Bishanpura present two different world, one of the upper castes, mobile backward communities and the other of Mushahars and Chamars.

Though the village activist claim that the condition of Mushahar in this village was relatively better than anywhere else but a visit to their thatched hut reveal the truth. It is not just the war against a corrupt society but cultural practice which has subjugated them for years. Entering at many houses, I found people cooking snails. At many houses the morning break fast was not ready yet.

Like many others, Navami does not work and his physically challenge father earn livelihood for him. His wife Akali is at the later stage of pregnancy. Looking at her, one wonder, how healthy would be the child when born. ‘We keep fast for most of the days as Navami is not able to work’, says Akali. She adds that he is not interested in the family, as he has now become a saint. “ But how come despite being a saint, you became pregnant, I ask. Don’t you think that it is also your duty to minimize your burden? Her small hut does not have anything. They do not possess any ration card. None of them know about National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme under which every unemployed male or female in a village would get a minimum of one hundred days work. Now the UP government has increased the minimum wages to Rs 82/-. But see the irony Navami has none of these cards. It would not be surprising if in the absence of any government aid he and his family starve. One can imagine as what would be the fate of his unborn child. Navami’s elder daughter is at the field behind their hut doing some work. I ask her about whether she has eaten any thing. The answer is in the negative. She inform me that the family does not cook and that she and her brothers remain hungry. By the time, we were conducting our interview with her, Akali was going to beg the left over food for their lunch.


B: Leelawati Gupta is a young widow living in a small hut in Deoria district. Her husband died of tuberculosis about eight months ago. Gupta was a Halwai who could not afford the family of five children. The family left for Siligudi in the hope for better future. The debt compounded and therefore the local debtors took over the house of the family in lieu of their debt. Gupta died of tremendous pressure. The family did not have anything to eat. A good Halwai family turned into a completely workless family. There was nothing to eat for the children.

Today, Leelawati’s eldest daughter is also left by her husband. She live along with small daughter at her mother’s hut. Half of the week, they keep fasting. No help came from any quarter. Leelwati moved from one place to other but of no help. They did not have a ration card to procure food items. There was no help from any where. The children for not going to school but working. Four months after the death of her husband, the Panchayat thought of her giving her a BPL ration card. She sales the rice from the village and earn around Rs 35 a day but that too in kind form. There is no other source of income. The young daughter left by her husband is equally baffling her. The family is on the brink of collapse and may use escapist tendencies to survive.

Idrish Ansari has a small rehari shop of eggs. With a small gas stove, he make omelet for the customers and also sale boiled egg. In the small town of … one does not know whether he would be able to take care of his family of 9 children. He has got a small house under the Indira Awas Yojna but that house cannot accommodate all the family members hence 7 of them sleep in an under construction under ground floor of a house owned by a local landlord. Idrish has a buffalo as well as horse for marriage parties. But these days when the parties hire cars and electronic items, the bridegroom in horse is becoming rare day by day. The resources are scant day by day. Idirsh does not possess a ration card and his condition show that the family and children are going to face very difficult time in next few months if the help does not come.


In the Deoria town we visited the urban slums. In the Ambedkar Nagar bustee we met a number of Bansfors. The families are living in miserable condition. I met many children and none of them go to school. Most of the people work part time and have no source of income. The women and children are involved in manual scavenging. In the family of Six children, I find them eating Sattu for their lunch. One of the child was epileptic. He was unable to open his eyes. The wife presented a miserable picture. There was no food. No government scheme has reached the village. There was no ration card to procure subsidized rice from the market. It was surviving on the edge and one can rarely describe them to narrate. The child in the family was in danger if not takes care properly. They are three families and the card of Above the Poverty Line is issued to their mother. It was a tragic site as how the sweeper community is facing not only indignity but also ostracisation and starvation. The people claiming to work on hunger are rarely reaching them.

36 families of Bansfors are living in miserable condition on the road at civil lines. They weave basket and barely earn Rs 30 per day. Most of them used to sleep on the road till one day the district administration decided to shunt them away to another place without thinking whether human conditions prevails in that area or not. A number of women still cry, as they have no other source to live.

Hungry Swachchakars

Hunger is everywhere. The only difference is that your eyes and heart need to be sensitive enough to hear those pains and miseries. NGOs have turned hunger into a project for their own self without ever evaluating their own work. It is rare to speak about urban hunger since most of these cases occur in rural area but the Sweeper community in many of these places is suffering in silence. Manual Scavenging is going well without any stoppage. How do you stop without providing alternative to the people? Most of the families were eating Sattu and children do not go to school. No government scheme reach them and very few of them had got ration cards.

In Rudrapur, I found a happy scavenger mother telling me how her 9 years old daughter Arti takes care of the family every day. Arti was grinding Mashala when I met her. Afterwards, her mother took me to her hut and showed that their girl can cook. It was shocking when I ask why were they imposing family burden on a young child. Arti’s father was a Rikshapullar and their earning was not enough to sustain the family. They were not able to send their children to school.

We visited many homes and saw their condition. Writing about hunger make you some time repeating things but then it is the issue and we need to focus more on them. In most of the municipalities including Laar, Rudrapur, Deoria, Gorakhpur, Chaurichuara, Mau the condition need to be assessed carefully. That manual scavenging is going on uninterrupted because the government has failed them to provide any help and the organizations of civil society used their plight for their own purposes without making community feel that there is a discrimination and they should stand up against the same is a national disgrace and we all must take the blame.

In most of the municipalities, many of the Balmikis were kept under contract labour by Mulayam Singh’s ordinance. In towns like Laar, they had not got their salaries till date after their appointment forcing the people to reengage them in manual scavenging.

Right over resources can not be compensated by NREGA and PDS system

It is ironical that campaigns to eliminate hunger are not talking in terms of livelihood. If situation has to be seen in this perspective, most of the Mushahrs are dying because they are landless. They used to depend on forest but that too has been out of reach for them now, as forest department is getting murkier day by day. Rajbhars are another community which is totally landless and live in complete isolation. Their power of vote can not change much of the Panchayats local political equations. We have seen how the NREGA and food for work programmes are being appropriated by the powerful communities of the village. Fishermen are dying of hunger because they have lost everything. Their lakes are drying up and sewage water has killed the fishes. Other communities like Chamars, Pasis, Chauhans, Mushahars are totally landless and therefore workless. They are just political in terms of their caste identities but their political class seems not be interested in raising these issues of livelihood. Even the workers of their community do not seem to be working on socio-cultural revival of the community. Identity is fastly becoming a tool for the political Dalals to mobilize people for their own nefarious goals. This culture of considering communities as pocket borrow will have to be changed in Uttar-Pradesh and that could only happen if the agencies work wholeheartedly on an emergency basis with community’s social organizations. Advocacy and Lobbying for greater ‘national’ cause can not be bigger than the local cause of the communities. Uttar-Pradesh does not have infrastrcture. Schools are without teachers and toilets. The public distribution system is in complete mess in Uttar-Pradesh. This is accepted by the advisers of the Supreme Court in their report. Most of the eligible people never got the entitlement and again the power elite in the rural structure grabbed all these opportunities. But it is also a fact there is nothing in the PDS which any good person would like to purchase. Most of the people never get kerosene, and sugar on their cards. In fact, the activists are now asking that it need to be like supermarket where people should be allowed to procure all other items like stationary, books, masalas, and ration on a subsidized rate.

Government need to focus on education, electricity and drinking water only then Uttar Pradesh will shine for all. For the civil society organizations, it would be better not to consider people as showing their strength in Lucknow and Delhi but do some concrete work at the village level, sharing their agonies and making them feel as part of civil society but not as their leaders but developing leadership qualities in each of these communities. Hunger will not end unless we challenge the very basis of karma theory and bring people out of the religious rituals, which make them bonded to thugs and tantriks. Hunger will not end unless the government and organization feel that it is really not an issue of charity but right over resources. Give the fishermen better rivers and lakes and they will not ask for NREGA. Protect the farmers from the onslaught of the spoiling factories and they will do wonders. And finally do fill your promises to redistribute land to all landless communities and I bet they will shine for us all. If we do not learn lesson from other parts of the country and violence growing there, the day will not be far when we will witness same war in Uttar-Pradesh and peace would be the biggest victim.





CHAURI-CHAURA DECLARATION

Land, Dignity and Freedom footmarch which covered around 140 villages, 7 urban slum in four districts of Maharajganj, Kushingar, Deoria and Gorakhpur district, It started from Tilakwania village in Ghughali town of Maharajganj district on June 1st, 2007 and culminated at Chauri Chaura on June 22nd, 2007 with a total of 370 kilometers. Organised by Uttar-Pradesh Land Alliance and led by Shri Vidya Bhushan Rawat, Director, Social Development Foundation, Delhi, the Padyatra raised the issue of hunger, land, water and sustainable development. Nearly 20 Padyatris including women and girls from the marginalised sections of society walked this distance in scorching heat for full 22 days. It raised the issue of the failure of the previous government to deal with the issue of livelihood of marginalised communities and their continuous marginalisation through hunger, malnutrition, poverty and depression. It also voiced its concern over growing communalisation process as well as spreading of superstition among the poorer sections of society. At many places the marchers spoke to small gatherings, met people, visited affected areas and conducted social audits of schemes like NREGA.

At the culmination of 22 days padyatra at Chauri Charua, we demand the following :

1. The government must take special measures to improve the condition of Mushahars, Rajbhars, Bansfors, Nonias, Machchuaras, Dom, Swachchakars, Pasis and Chamars. These communities are living in abysmally degrading conditions and need special measures.

2. In the Eastern Uttar-Pradesh the Sand Mafias are controlling the rivers like Chhoti Gandak, Gurra, Rapti and Ghaghara. The mechanized sand mining has resulted in soil erosion by these rivers during monsoon. Thousands of hectare of land has turned infertile. In Brahmapur region Rapti has destroyed Ranapar area. In Kaptanganj and Ramkola towns in Kushinagar district are facing severe soil erosion due to sand mining. We demand immediate halt of mechanized sand mining and ask the government to allow the fish worker to do the same but government should fix up a limit for the same.

3. In many villages of Eastern Uttar-Pradesh powerful local people have illegally grabbed the land given to Dalits and Most backward communities. In many villages, the Dalits are not even allowed passage to move out. Government must ensure that every person live with dignity at his/her land that every one has a right to access road in his/her house.

4. The Sugar factories and distilleries in Ramkola, Kaptanganj, Deoria, Rudrapur, Sardarnagar
are throwing chemical waste in the rivers like Chhoti Gandak, Rapti, Amy and Gurra resulting in heavy pollution in the rivers. The fish workers are facing hunger, as the fish catch is almost nil. Apart from this, the waste has spilled over to a vast agricultural land turning them completely barren and dangerous. The ground water in most of the eastern UP town is contaminated which is a severe threat to public health. We demand immediate action against these factory/mill owners and ask the government to compensate the farmers who have lost their land to these mills. The Pollution Control board should be asked to explain as why they continue to allow such hazards industries to run.

5. In Kushingar and Gorakhpur the condition of National Employment Guarantee Scheme is a matter of grave concern. It has not been implemented accordingly. We found work being done through tractors and people without work despite having the valid card. The scheme seems to have failed because of the connivance between the village Pradhans and block officials. We demand severe action against erring officials to implement the scheme and ask the government to form a monitoring and evaluating committee which should include civil society representatives.

6. In Poorvanchal, we found lot of discrepancy in the distribution of ration cards. Those who should have been eligible for the cards have not got it while others have got it. We demand strong action the Sarpanches and officials who are involved in nepotism and corruption. We also demand from the government that the reach of the Public Distribution System should be expanded and it must include important edible items, books, and cloths, Masalas etc so that the poor can benefit from this.
7. Hunger and starvation is prevelent in Eastern Uttar-Pradesh. A majority of families do not ration for two times. The children have uncertain futrue. It is shameful that children from Mushahars, Chauhan, Rajbhar etc are eating rats and fishermen are forced to survive on snails.
We demand the government to focus on these communities with special programmes particularly developing schools in the villages with mid day meals and other incentives for school children and their parents.
8. The government must form special Land Courts to settle land disputes and implement the land reform measures strongly and effectively. The government must concentrate on giving communal entitlement. We also demand that women should be given priority in allotment of agricultural land and all new entitlement whether residential or agricultural should have joint entitlment.
Today on the day of culmination of Padyatra we committ ourselves to continue our struggle for Land, Dignity and freedom. We will continue to make government aware of the ground situation while fighting for our rights democratically. We also want to make it clear that this war of independence is not possible with out the support and alliance of anti caste, anti communal, anti superstition and progressive forces in which the role of women, Dalits, Most backward communities and tribals have an important role to play. We also feel that this for dignity and freedom we have to take inspiration from Baa Saheb Ambedkar, Jyoti Ba Phule, Savitri Bai Phule, and EV Ramaswamy Naicar. They remain our icons and role models in our struggle for the creation of a civil society.

Following organisations signed the resolution

Uttar-Pradesh Land Alliance,
Social Development Foundation, Delhi
Food for Hungry Foundation, Delhi
Dr B.R.Ambedkar Gramodyog Sansthan, Deoria
Swachchakar Kalyan Samiti, Ghazipur
Smt Sonia Gramin Mahila avam Bal Kalyan Samiti, Deoria
Lord Buddha Trust, Kushinagar
Hitkari Sewa Samiti, Deoria
Jan Kalyan Sansthan, Chauri Chaura, Gorakhpur
Palanjivi Samiti, Rudrapur, Deoria
Mushahar Shakti Sanghthan, Deoria
Tharu Development Society, Lakhimpur Khiri
Tal Ratoy Machchua Jan Kalyan Sansthan, Mau
Bharatiya Jan Seva Ashram, Jaunpur
Chitrakoot Sewa Ashram, Chitrakoot
Dalit Mahila Mukti Morcha,
UP Machchua Adhikar Manch, Rudrapur
and number of others


Tuesday, July 10, 2007

Nationhood Redefined



Strong caste identities pose serious challenge to brahmanical supermacy

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat



Hindu Society is a myth but caste is a reality. And this reality has been widely accepted in Uttar-Pradesh and Bihar where caste assertion is growing and those without any political representations are living on the margins. It would look absolutely fanatical if you talk of caste as a nation but reading V.T.Rajshekar’s book ‘Caste, a Nation with in the Nation’, recipe for a bloodless revolution, reveals the importance of the subject. He is not the only one who speaks on the issue but definitely perhaps among very few who are unapologetic about speaking it and quotes reasonably well from Anthropological survey of India report ‘ People of India’ which was headed by an IAS officer Mr K.S.Singh. Singh maintained that there are 2800 castes in which 450 are scheduled castes, 461 scheduled tribes and 766 backward classes. The report, which says that ‘ Indian society continues to be a collection of castes and communities,’ has been hidden in the dusty files of the ministry.

It is a fact that people closely connect on the basis of their caste more than any other identity. A person lives in various identities including the individual one. There are identities, which are linguistic, regional, and ethnic yet the Indian sub continental reality is that it would be entirely baseless to say that the caste identity does not exist. If caste were not a reality, Bangladesh would not have come into being. The fact of the matter is the Punjabi Muslims had always treated the Bangla Muslims with utter contempt. A former general in Pakistan justified in his book for non-inclusion of the Bengalis in elite services of Pakistan for they ‘lack’ merit.

Caste Identities will ultimately eliminate the brahmanical supremacy

What Rajsekhar has tried to put in bravely is that caste system has to be opposed but castes are different identities. That is a fact because Dalit is not a one word or one world as it includes a variety of castes and each one has its own world. Dr Baba Saheb Ambedkar, when drafted the constitution, mentioned it as Scheduled Castes. So he was aware of the fact of the diversity with in the Dalit Bahujan societies. Caste is a reality and not rhetoric and has been wonderfully explained by Mr V.T.Rajshekar. In fact, he was among the very few whom out rightly supported quota on the basis of the percentage of the community. The issue of Mala Madiga, Mahar-Mang, Chamars-Valmikis and others would get resolved easily if there were broader feeling of sharing the space with even the nondescript communities. It is also interesting that the author says the abolition of sub castes would not help the Dalit Bahujan but to the brahmanical Hinduism. If Hindus are so interested in caste elimination why the elite want to confine their marriage in their communities. If caste is a rural phenomena and not an urban one, why the hell it is not eliminated from our English newspapers and their matrimonial columns? The caste consciousness of the Dalit Bahujan would make the struggle stronger which the upper caste Hindus fear too much and therefore the ‘saintly’ advise of ‘elimination’ of castes without touching the caste system.

Rajshekar is unique in theorizing and people like me have always taken those theories further. Like, the demand for elimination or annihilation of castes normally comes from the powerful groups. It is no secret that why this issue has rarely been raised by the poor. Why are Brahmins so interested in demolition of caste they so wonderfully created? The answer is provided by the author himself. Today, using caste identity is not beneficial for the Brahmins. It is beneficial for the Dalits and the bahujans for democracy is a number game and therefore assertion is important. Secondly, it is important whether denouncing caste has in fact resulted in demolition of the brahmanical structure. It is easier to say ‘ I do not believe in caste’, but how many of them have excluded from their social rituals and practices based on caste system. The answer would be in negative.

On December 16th, 1993 Rajshekar wrote a historic editorial in Dalit Voice: Strengthen every caste to annihilate Brahmanism’. This was an important departure from the so-called academic theories, which talks of ‘elimination’ of caste system without really intending to do so. In December 1992 Babari Masjid was demolished and Dalit Voice was the only journal, which wrote that myth of the Hindu tolerance was exposed. Some of us who developed our understanding though reading Dalit Voice and the material referred by its editor, realized that the aim of the Babri demolition was not really against the Muslims but subjugate the Dalit Bahujan masses further which were aggressively asserting their caste identities in the aftermath of the anti Mandal protests in north India. An analysis of the post Mandal situation in India reflect explains unambiguously that had it not been the assertion of Dalit-Bahujan, India would have turned into a fascist state. Is not it a reality that after the Babari mosque was demolished the Dalit Bahujan of Uttar-Pradesh joined hand and threw away the fascist government of the Bhartiya Janata Party which thought that they would come with thumping majority. Is not it true that both Uttar-Pradesh and Bihar, many of our educated elite might make us believe are the worst Indian states, have virtually decimated the Sangh parivar. And what are the reasons for the same? It is the growing assertion of the Dalit backward communities in these states, which has kept the Hindutva family thoroughly marginalized. In the latest round of bout, again the people of Uttar-Pradesh have brought back a government led by a Dalit woman and both the upper caste parties are at the margin. It is another factor that the fall of Mulayam Singh Yadav must be attributed to upper castes and hence Maywati has to be extra vigilant when she makes Brahmins her ally, as they have not come to Maywati leaving their feudal caste mindset but because of compulsions. And marriage of convenience breaks ones compulsions are over. It is important to understand that while the caste identities have challenged brahmanical supremacy, further degeneration of it would bring back the brahmanical elite. Uttar-Pradesh is a case example. While the main political struggle here is between the Dalits and backwards, it is the brahmanical elite, which has become the most sought after in the state. But if the Dalit Bahujan are understandable this question would also get resolved soon.

Connect to History

The best practice of the brahmanical manipulation was that they were non violently violent as Rajshekar has pointed out many times. They institutionalized violence and made everything that benefited them as sacrosanct. So, for the poor Dalit Bahujan, the Brahmins made them hate them, so most of these communities hated themselves and their communities. Abroad, people used to write their surname with the work they do like the Shoe maker put their sir name as Shoemaker, similarly other sir names originated as Smith, Goldsmith, Blacksmith, Butler, etc. But here the Brahmins asked to hate us. How can the people or a community progress if they do not know their own history and hate them. Every now and them the ruling elite talks of the contradictions among the Dalit and Bahujan classes but the fact is that contradictions are there in our lives as Mao Tse Tung said in his famous work ‘ On Contradictions’. Human history progressed with these contradictions. Is not there a contradiction between Brahmin and a Thakur or a Kayastha or a Bania. Differences are bound to happen in a diverse society and they will be there in the Dalit Bahujan also as they are among the upper castes also. However, contradictions would always be used to divide the Dalit Bahujan masses to fulfill the grand agenda of the brahmanical elites in India and therefore Baba Saheb Ambedkar said, ‘ As long as oppressed classes do not turn to ruling classes, internal contradictions would remain.

Hinduism is a Political Theory

Again, an important point expressed in the book is that Hinduism is not a religion but a political theory. Some people differentiate between Hindutva and Hinduism for they believe the idea of Hindutva was propagated by Vir Savarkar while Hinduism, they feel, is essentially a very tolerant religion. This is historically inaccurate and incorrect for various reasons. One, Hinduism as such is not a religion but essentially meant to address the people living in India, a name was given by the Mughal invaders. Originally, it was Varnashram dharma, a religion based on caste and colour. But in real terms it is a political theory as mentioned by V.R.Rajshekar quoting profusely to Baba Saheb’s writings, as define our civil laws and is aimed at controlling our freedom, our social and cultural life. This institutionalization has made every working masses totally depended on Brahmins to get social legitimacy.

How do you abolish caste system? Academics over simplify them in terms of education, urbanisation or industrialisation and inter-caste marriages. The author brilliantly exposes all the three. Education as he rightly points out is ‘an instrument of oppression in the hands of ruling classes to retain its dominations over its subjects. Secondly, caste is not just confined to rural India but also to urban India and therefore caste clashes would only strengthen the Dalit-Bahujan’s determination to understand and strengthen their caste identities. Inter caste marriages have not taken place yet. Most of the marriages are one like the Brahmins girl marrying elite Dalit mens who are either government servants or politicians. They is not really inter caste marriages as marriages at local levels and village levels have not been possible. So these cases may be termed as rarest of rare despite various interest factors involved in it.

Urbanisation and industrialization has not really helped the Dalit Bahujans as it might have helped in other countries. The caste struggle would ultimately lead to revolution and rightfully the author suggests that Marxian dialectics of class has to be modified in Indian terms replacing it with caste. Another important point that the author mention is that urbanization in India has pushed the Dalit Bahujan to further brink unlike other countries where urbanization is considered to be a better option for replacing the old feudal system but in India urbanization is creating new slums. It is hitting the Dalit Bahujan rock hard.


Qualities of a True Ambedkarite

While speaking strongly for caste identities the author feel that an enlightened Ambedkarite must rise above the narrow caste interests. Dr Ambedkar always felt proud to be born in a Mahar community but his struggles and fight was for all the downtrodden communities. Can any one say that he fought for Mahars? The point that the author wanted to make is that every community is today seeking its space under the sun. The communities have to do that because otherwise they will be thoroughly marginalized. They go the other way because their aspirations are not fulfilled. Aim of strengthening caste identities is not to divide the Dalit Bahujan’s movement but to strengthen it. Basically with in ourself, there has to be a proportionate representation. Every caste has a history and they are tracing that history and it is good they are doing it. As Baba Saheb, no community can move forward which remains isolated and unknown to its history. So author want caste identities to eliminate the brahmanical system and wish every Dalit Bahujan individual to rise about the petty caste considerations which is the essence of is thesis.


Religion never unites

The author has come out very candidly that only Buddhism can unite the Dalit masses. It was the message of Baba Saheb to dalits to embrace the righteous path of Buddha. Rightly, he suggests that religion has never been uniting factor. Hinduism is nothing but caste and once caste are abolished Hinduism will be eliminated. Similarly despite conversion to Christianity, the Dalits still remain the Dalits. They are not allowed to join the churches of upper castes. Marriages are exclusively caste based. Even Islam has been unable to unite people. Pakistan came into being in the name of Islam but what happened. Bengali Muslims refused to believe the Punjabi Muslims as Baba Saheb has said, ‘ Religion can help to produce justice with in a community. Religion cannot produce justice between the communities. The call of nation and the call of community has proved more powerful than the call of religion for justice’.

Recently on a trip to Uganda, I was shocked to see that even outside India, people are unable to leave their castes. I met a few Indian Sikhs in a Gurudwara called a Ramgarhia Gurudwara in Kampala and most of those who come here are Dalit Sikh. A Dalit woman told me that there is a separate Gurudwara for Jat Sikhs. Similarly, there were several temples among the Gujaratis. A Ugandan friend Deo who is chairman Uganda Humanist Association blamed Indian to be confined to their caste interest and color conscious. So despite same religion, it is the caste which has been dominating factor.

Political Participation is essential to tame the Hindutva

In Uttar-Pradesh BSP has experimented one thing today. Brahmins and other upper castes have joined the party and became ministers and senior bureaucrats. There is hardly any Dalit officer close to Mayawati in charge of her office in Lucknow, which is a shocking reality. Now, most of these upper castes have joined the BSP without losing their identity. Whether they agree to the mission of Baba Saheb or not is not their concern. They joined BSP to save their interest and use this opportunity to strengthen them. Strengthening caste identity should not mean that we forget the racist nature of Hindu society. Strengthening caste identity does not mean that we follow the system given by the Brahmins and which was termed by Baba Saheb as graded inequality. It is this graded inequality injected the Manusmriti which has resulted in Brahmin playing the sole arbitrator of our disputes. It is this graded inequality, which does not allow the caste to come together. It is therefore important that caste identities are treated as per and used in terms of different ethnic identities and not a basis of exploitation, which has rightly been condemned by the author. The caste identities are strengthening our democratic process. I remember talking to a Muslim activist from Iran who was exiled. When I spoke her as why they not talk about each religion and target Islam only. I talked to her about Hindutva and the answer she gave was that India has such diversity of Gods, and Goddesses and caste and communities that it would be difficult for any one to impose one set of rules and laws. It is true that this diversity of caste and region has saved India from going to fascist way. Take for example the recent elections. Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Rajasthan have strong Hindu undercurrent and violence against the minorities is very high in these states. While the state such as Uttar-Pradesh and Bihar have not seen much violence against minorities after the post Mandal transformation. Why? The answer is simple. The Dalit Bahujans in UP and Bihar knows well that the Muslims and Christians are their blood brothers. These political understandings of Dalit and Muslims have kept the Hindutva far away from revival. But in Gujarat, Rajsthan and Madhya Pradesh, there is very little assertion of Dalit Bahujan therefore they have become favorite hunting ground of the Hindutva. The Dalit and Bahujan are not proud of their community identity in these states. They are not politically mobile and there are no efforts to organize them at the ground level therefore giving the forces of Hindutva a free hand to hit at minorities.

Non-assertion of communities and apoliticisation has killed this aspiration to share power. As mentioned earlier, the Hindutva forces are powerful where the Dalit Bahujan have no political assertion and where they are hiding their own identities. Identity could be used to oppress and identity is the best tool in democracy to assert. In the past few years who are the communities dying of hunger and starvation? From my personal work among them, I can say, they are Mushahars, Bansfors, Kols, nomads, and tribals. Now, why are they dying of hunger? Because there is no assertion among these communities. Here their Jati become a symbol of oppression. They are oppressed because of non-assertion and non-political representation. In the absence of political assertion and representation, the religious thugs go and do the ‘charity’ work. Charity is never done to provide any body rights but to demean a community. The brahmanical charity can feed them for a few days but make them hate their identities.

It is here that caste thesis of VT Rajsekar is important. How do we ensure that even these minorities get a share in power structure? If we can provide them a share in our political structure and social structure on the basis of his population, it will ultimately give way for a social cohesion of Dalit Bahujan. Democracy is not majoritarian rule but it must ensure the minorities that they are safe and have space in mainstream structure. The minority among the Dalits remains unrepresented and therefore disgusted. This disgust is used by the upper castes easily to put them in fight against their own brethrens and therefore it is essential that while we strengthen caste identities we must condemn caste system and exploitation based on caste. We must not allow the brahmanical techniques to ruin the Dalit Bahujan Unity.

V T. Rajshekar’s book is an important milestone in caste debate. It has broken many myths and it has to be taken further. The important mention is caste as a nation. He has also broken the myth of nation hood and suggested that in the storm of Dalit Bahujan if the rights of a Brahmins are being denied, a true Ambedkarite would have to stand for the human rights of the individual. While, from the title of the book it looks as if the author is promoting rabid casteism yet reading it gives refreshing ideas.

Today when caste groups are behaving in primitive ways, I am sure an individual has to be saved from those who want to decide about every thing in the name of community identity. Despite caste identities, individuals take different route and go beyond their castes, and therefore become an issue in the communities. We have seen how the Hindutva gangs have terrorized the youths who married in different communities. Caste identities are good to assert and linkage to our culture and a way to stop the march of the Hindutva but at the same time they cannot be allowed to behave in the brahmanical fashion to decide about our future. That would be the most dangerous part. As I mention caste identity must not be allowed to oppress and exploit. If caste identities are based on equality, I am sure there will be more inter community marriages in future but if they remain confine to their self made beliefs that one is higher than the others, the greatest ‘gift’ the notorious Brahmins gave, then I am afraid mere assertion of identities will only strengthen the brahmanical system, though it may eliminate Brahmins as a community and might be replaced by others but at the end the ideas thrown by the Brahmins would always remain intact. The author has himself suggested that we must eliminate caste system based on hierarchical values of the Manu Smriti and once we do it, all the caste will be equal even when they have diverse profession and then there would be no violence even if two individuals crosses their own community line to get married. This is an excellent book and the debate must go further including the democratic rights of an individual with in the castes and how castes should follow their own customs and traditions leaving the dependence on Brahmins for every rituals. That would ultimately eliminate the brahmanical domination in our daily life.

Caste: a nation with in the Nation
recipe for a bloodless revolution
Author: V.T.Rajshekar
Published by Books for Change, Banglore
Rs 140/-
Pp : 121
Available in Hindi also.

Monday, May 28, 2007

Equity of Faith in Secular India ?

Review Article

Christians: A Faith under assault in Secular India

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat


Christians from all over India are gathering to protest against the Hindutva assault on their faiths in different parts of the country. On May 29th, 2007, when they all assemble at Jantar Mantar seeking government’s intervention to protect their institutions and people, it would remind all of us that in plural society, every one need to appreciate the contribution of linguistic and religious minorities in its development. The gathering of the Christians therefore should not be seen in isolation and must have support from all of us who believe that best bet for India’s survival is cohesiveness of different ethnic, religious, secular groups. In the past few months, the goons of the Hindutva have targeted the community and their faith leaders in various north Indian states particularly Rajasthan, Himachal Pradesh, Orissa, Chhatisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, Punjab and Gujarat. States like Uttarakhand and Himachal Pradesh where Christian population is abysmally low are bringing out special laws to prohibit conversion. Orissa, Madhya Pradesh, Chhatishgarh, Jharkhand have already enacted laws prohibiting conversion. It is these states where extra constitutional groups of the Hindutva have taken it on themselves to do not only moral policing over people’s behavior but also convert the tribal and dalits back to brahmanical fold. With Hindutva devotees at the seats of power, the goons are having free day to kill any one at their will. The assaults on Christian institutions have wider implications. The freedom of the gangs of Hindutva has become agony for all peace loving people including the minorities. We must also understand that minorities suffer from certain dilemmas and such assault isolate them further and strengthen the theocratic leadership in the community. Moreover, the assault on Muslims and Christians is deliberate to suppress the internal contradictions with in the Varna system. With UP gone out of their hand, the Sangh Parivar would re-launch its assault on the Muslims and Christians so that the assertion of Dalits, adivasis and backward classes is diverted against the ‘enemies’ and Brahmins and brahmindom have an unchallenged supremacy in the broader Hindu Samaj.

In many of these states the Bharatiya Janata Party, the political wing of the Hindutva’s discriminating and destructive ideology, is in power. Much before they slaughtered Muslims in Gujarat in 2002, it was the Christians, their churches and their educational institutions, which were targeted by the Hindutva’s lumpen organizations. This unaccountability of the Hindutva and its various offshoots emerge from the open encouragement and support from the ruling parties in these states. It is not only outrageous but also unconstitutional that the state governments run by the Bharatiya Janata Party behave conspicuously and in double speak justifying these assaults in the name of intrusion of foreign culture and threat to India’s unity.

Look, what happened in Gujarat today where the Kolis are up in the street seeking justice. Narendra Modi never loses sight of targeting the Muslims and Christians, whom he fears, are proselytizing the tribal by throwing money at them. Absolutely farcical Mr. Modi, Gujarati Banias and Brahmins have enough money to buy equally great product as the evangelical groups, so please suggest them to go in the villages, sit with the Dalits and tribals, share their agonies and pains. But we know it well, that is impossible in brahmanical Gujarat who used the multiculturalism of the west for their benefits but became Hindu chauvinists when the issue of multiculturalism cropped up in their own state. In other way, Gujarat’s psyche has become totally brahmanised and a mere change of Narendra Modi would not work. An assertion of Dalits, Adivasis and backward communities (Gujarat’s backward are Hinduised), for their political rights in coalition with Muslims and Christians, would pave the way for throwing a challenge against the current Hindutva culture prevailing in the state.

One of the issues that John Dayal has raised in his book is the issue of right to profess the faith of your choice. The Hindutva groups obviously are not comfortable with it as they feel it as a threat. But conversion is a political tool and apolitical conversion has cost Dalits a lot. The first conversion that jolted the brahmanical structure was not in 1951 when Baba Saheb Ambedkar embraced Buddhism in 1951 but the 1982 conversion of hundreds of Dalits to Islam in Meenakhsipuram, in Tamilnadu. For Hindutva every body who is dissatisfied with their faith has been paid handsome amount of money to convert. Unfortunately, that is where the problem lies, as most of the converts are still much below the poverty line. If conversion had fetched good money and good life in monitory terms, I am sure the Brahmins, Banias and other upper caste Hindus would have been the first to grab the opportunity.

We also tend to ignore the fact that the government has itself divided various Dalit communities. It has knowingly done the biggest conversion in the history of India for including Dalits, tribal, Buddhists, Sikhs, Jains and all those who are not a Muslim or Christian, into a Hindu category. That has been the biggest blunder and conversion in the history of India and must be opposed with as all these communities have their distinct cultural identities. Opposition to Dalit converts come from that fact Dalits are considered as Hindus. So the government, the Hindu reformist want them to first face the untouchability and social oppression again to get the benefit of the reservation?

Despite my deep antipathy for Justice Rang Nath Mishra for the horrible and politically motivated report that he presented for the 1984 victims, the latest efforts by the Mishra Commission need our support, because it strengthen defend the right of an individual to profess any faith at the personal level without loosing his fundamental right. Asha Das’s objections must be rejected before it takes dangerous turn. Nevertheless, it is also essential for the Church and Christian leaders to introspect about their Dalit agenda. It is easier for them to ask from the government for the rights of the Dalit Christians but at the same point of time, let them come out categorically as what efforts have they made to empower Dalits with in their community. A Community which has in its possession India’s best known colleges, medical colleges, Engineering colleges, media institutions, academic institutions etc. What percentage of reservation has been given to Dalits and tribals in these institutions? If Christians were really willing to mobilize the Dalits on their side, empty slogans would not work. They have to be seen to be working for the Dalits. They cannot expect Dalits to follow their upper caste leadership.

Christians are not hated in power structure even when the Hindutva thugs target their priests. One of the reason for that is that the growing feeling that Christian own large educational institutions which actually strengthen the Hindutva. The bitterest critique of Christendom comes from those who were educated at these prestigious institutions. They will not targets prestigious institutions in Delhi, Mumbai or elsewhere because most of their family members come out from these colleges. We must understand the philosophy behind this as my friend Ram Puniyani often suggest. That the RSS and its Parivar have most of their ideologues coming from these institutions but when the church and its educational institutions goes in the villages and teach English and modern education to Adivasis and Dalits, that raises eyebrows. Education would open the mind of these people and will instigate them to challenge the racist philosophy of Hindutva. Tomorrow they will challenge the concept of merit of the upper castes? Unfortunately, this is not the case. Barring a few exceptions, things have not worked. Education is for profiteering and not much has been done at the village level. There have been compromises from the Christian leadership on this issue and their stand on the emancipation of Dalits and reservation.

Amid all this, one person who has unequivocally and uncompromisingly spoke against Hindutva and its fundamentalist ideology is, Dr John Dayal. For the past few years, he has been very active putting the political agenda of the community and taking a strong action line against the communal outfits though it is also a known fact that for his strong secular approach and convictions he is not the best person of the religious leadership.

‘A Matter of Equity: Freedom of Faith in Secular India’, is an outstanding work of John Dayal. Though a large number of articles have been compiled and updated for what were published in the Indian Currents yet bringing them all together with other important documents, this book serve a great purpose for all those who are interested to know about the Christian community and its work in India as well as the vitriolic campaign of the Sangh Parivar against the Christian Educational Institutions

John Dayal has not only been a critique of the Sangh Parivar and its goons but he has asked the Church also to look for its role. He had documented major violence against Christians in the last 10 years. May he get the strength to document and assist other secular groups also, those who may not like the evangelical groups very much like their disliking for the Muslim and Hindu radical groups. Yes, John Dayal is Christian community’s secular face who has stood against all kind of oppression, for the freedom of expression, which he has so wonderfully documented in his book with Ajoy Bose as well as his campaign against the fascist government of Narendra Modi in Gujarat. Therefore, it is not surprising that while many of the Church friends were not happy with this uncompromising man who has no interest of ‘protecting’ his prime location institutions. Hence those uncompromising men actually help the community more than those who pretend to help them in the name of ‘protecting’ their community identity. And these points reflect sharply in his analysis when he says that National Minorities Commission does not really care about the rights of the Christians.

Some of the chapters in the book are great essays and shows John Dayal’s grasp over the problem and his efforts to link the Christian community with the varied secular groups.
‘A Christian perspective to National Integration’ is one such excellent essay in the book where Dayal ask to create for awareness for Human Rights and developing civil society, which according to him ‘call for sacrifice’.

The article ‘ Ignorance, Bigotry and bloodshed: Perspective of confrontation, coexistence and Peace in India and South Asia,’ is simply superb and need to be read by all those who wish to know the birth of various ethnic-religious identities in India and South Asia. It also helps understand the culture of appreciation towards those who are not ‘like’ us and differ with one another on not only in outlook and perception but also language and religion.

Another important message was the ‘liberation theology’ of the Church which liberated the Shanar women in Travancore and Tirunalveli district of erstwhile Travancore state, where the Dalit women were prohibited from covering their breasts. The missionaries helped them a life of dignity and self-respect. An unknown story of Sophie James Joseph, who was a nurse in St. Stephen’s hospital and saved life of a Sikh family when they were butchered by the upper caste thugs of the Congress party in the aftermath of the assassination of Indira Gandhi.

The Christian community needs to heed his advice to introspect its own work among the Dalits. He writes: ‘ How have we responded to the demands of Dalits. Not low cost schools for low caste people but high quality English schools which will allow the Dalit Children to find their place under the sun in modern age. The answer has to be given soon.’ This call was made by Dayal in September 2001 but seven years onwards he need to ask the church again and the catholic groups again whether their call for right to convert and rights of the Christian Dalit is confined to number games only? What substantial work has the church institutions done during the past 7 years to uplift the Dalits. The Christian Institutions have enormous powers and strength to help the Dalits. Two months back. Ambrose Pinto, principal of St Joseph’s College Banglore revealed to me how his college has reserved seats for Dalits, OBCs and minorities and that it still remain one of the best colleges of Banglore. And there is no dent to its meritocracy, perhaps a right answer for the principal of St Stephan’s College, which constructed the brahmanical think tank of India and officially went against the policy of reservation of the Dalits and OBCs in the Supreme Court, under the pretext of being a minority institution. The Church institutions must respond as how many seats are being reserved for the Dalits and tribal in its elite institutions and how much help is being offered for that.


Another superb piece from John Dayal comes in the form of ‘Hindutva’s Dollar Trail’, which exposes the funding mechanism of the hate campaigners of the Sangh Parivar. That India Development and Relief Fund ( IDRF) has been supplying the funds to Vikas Bharati and 9 other offshoots of the Sangh parivar is a shocking revelation. Between 1994-2000 it contributed 3.2 million USD to these hate mongers in India. The government of India must look into it and must find more details of such organizations which spread communal hatred in communities in India. Such funds must be treated as per the terrorist funding against which the US administration and UK are waging a decisive battle. Unfortunate part is that the Christian world is deeply divided today and still consider Islam as their enemy number one and hence other hate mongers get benefit of these things. Even in Britain, the right wing Hindu groups have got great protection from those in power. Interestingly, for the Sangh Zealots, there is another interesting revelation in the book. The 106 % growth of Indian population predominantly upper caste Hindus between 1990-2000. Sangh Parivar is too much disturbed with Christian growth rate while unable to understand that if conversion was taking place that strongly the population of the community would not have reduced during the past five years.

While the government is going strongly in providing data related to the condition of Muslims in India. Muslims have been discriminated in administration and political system with the ‘sin’ of creating Pakistan. It would be grossly wrong not to find out the problems of the Christian population in India, a majority of whom happens to be Dalits and tribal. The recent NSSO data have revealed that the poverty in Christian community is far below than that of the Muslims. While Muslim being the second majority of the country must get their due share in power structure, we must also ask the government to appoint a similar condition to study the condition of Christians as they are the main victims of the Sangh Parivar’s violence against them

The Christian community must introspect why it is unable to counter Sangh Parivar’s propaganda and assault on its churches and machinery. It must learn a lesson or two from its Muslim brethrens. Muslims are a politically mobile community in India particularly in Uttar-Pradesh and Bihar. Their political understanding is far superior to other communities. Muslims have depended on their own work and never on any government dole out and therefore can still live their life in greater dignity. Christians on the other hand remained highly apolitical community. People like John Dayal are in a minority in the community for they speak the truth without feeling guilty or apprehensive of the Sangh Parivar and its goons. Ofcourse, the price has been bigger in the form of target and attacks but they have remained uncompromising. The Christians by and large remain part of power structure particularly the upper caste elite of them and therefore do not hesitate even in compromising the interest of the community. John Dayal remain exception among its elite who we can find at every platform from those speaking against communalism to fight against unsustainable globalisation or assault on Dalits and tribal or special economic Zone.

It is therefore important for the religious groups to leave the space for the political people to lead the movement for the human rights of its people in India. A community under theocratic leadership cannot fight its battle of survival, which is essentially political. And hence John Dayal’s words need to be heard with great care.

Name of the Book: A matter of Equity: Freedom of Faith in Secular India
Author : John Dayal
Anamika Publishers & Distributors
Year of Publication : 2007
Page: 487
Price : Rs 800 ( Hard Cover)


Wednesday, May 23, 2007

A Padyatra against Hunger and for dignity

March for Land, Dignity and Freedom

Hunger and starvation deaths in the eastern Uttar-Pradesh continue to haunt communities during the last one decade. Every year people are dying of different diseases particularly Malaria, and Japanese Encephalitis (brain fever). While the names have changed the target of these viral diseases remain the same communities.

Government and aid agencies launched campaign to tackle the starvation and hunger prevalent in the region. Many of these districts are under the National Employment Guarantee Scheme (NREGA) yet reports suggests that the scheme is another way of ‘helping’ those who are power groups in the rural set up. They have rarely reached the masses. Many of the NGOs formed community groups to help them yet the food never reached. While it was good that government provide food aid to the dying people yet very few raised the issue that the hunger has raised its ugly head in the country because of the continuous antipathy of the government to the land redistribution programme. Contrary to this, more land was acquired in the name of development without providing enough and satisfactory rehabilitation. The victim of this unsustainable development have been the communities like Dalits, tribals and MBCs.

The numbers of landless communities in poorvanchal is substantial and are severely facing challenge to their livelihood. With more mechanized agri-farming, these agrarian workers are now jobless. Forests are already out of bound for them as forest department consider the poor forest dwellers as encroachers and exploit them. The Kumhars (clay potters) have lost their work to plastics and the fishermen are clueless at the moment as how to increase their income when most of their lakes are under the threat of sale. The migration to cities has increased in the past few years but now even those seems to be blocking the way of the rural poor with not only theocratic fundamentalist parties raising their ugly head against them but also the self styled protectionists of the secular ideas too feel that immigration to the cities is a threat.

Even when people were dying of hunger and starvation, the ‘nationalistic’ forces were doing their work in the villages, but not to help the rural poor get out of the poverty trap but to push them back into the Dark Age. To increase their woes, these forces have pushed people to superstition so that they do not question the injustice done to them.

That manual scavenging is still prevalent in the region reflect the condition of the Swachchakar community in Eastern Uttar-Pradesh. Communities like Mushahars, Bansfors, Swachchkars, Rajbhars, Chamars, Pasis; Chauhans, Nishads, Kumhars are facing severe threat to their livelihood and dignity.

Keeping in view of this, Uttar-Pradesh Land Alliance and Social Development Foundation, Delhi are organizing a Padyatra ( Footmarch) beginning from June 1st, 2007 till June 22nd , 2007. The Padyatra will cover four districts of Poorvanchal. They are Maharajganj, Gorakhpur, Deoria and Kushinagar. The Padyatra will start from the Tehsil headquarter of Ghughali, Maharajganj on June 1st. The Padyatra culminate at the Shaheed Smarak in Chauri Chaura on June 22nd, 2007. The Padyatra would cover more than 75 small and big villages and towns including Kushinagar, Ramkola, Padrauna, Kasaya, Fazilnagar, Pathardeva, Nautan, Deoria, Bhatani, Salempur, Laar, Bhagalpur, Barhaj, Rudrapur, Brahmnpur, Tarkulhadevi and Chaurichaura.

Padyatra will have public meetings, social audits and even training programmes related to land and livelihood. Not only this, the Padyatra aims to speak unambiguously against the caste oppression, rituals as well as exploitation in the name of religion, rituals and superstitions.


The Padyatra is named as Land, Dignity and Freedom which clearly indicate that we feel access and control to land and other natural resources is key to dignity and freedom of an individual and community. Today, this freedom is under the threat. The governments have failed in fulfilling their promises to implement the land and agrarian reform resulting in greater social chaos. In India, this situation is more complicated as the exploitation has not just economic dimensions but socio-cultural dimensions. And despite power equations at the political levels, the situation in the ground level has not changed much. That most of these communities who suffer indignities are the Dalits and most backward communities. Tragically, in the broader schemes of things also these communities are on the margins because of their minority status with in their villages and hence even in the broader Dalit-Bahujan framework they remain isolated and excluded.

The Padyatra aim to strengthen the community organizations in the region so that the development agenda is focused on community based. We sincerely feel that the developmental paradigms need to take a new turn and communities need to be targeted in the rural planning otherwise term like ‘rural poor’ in India would always help maintaining the status quo.

While many of our friends suggested against organizing the Padyatra in this scorching heat yet it was felt that it is the best time to understand how the communities we work with face such oppressive heat. Also due to summer vacations, many of you might find some time to join it. We are therefore extending you our invitation to join this Padyatra to understand the reason of hunger, starvation and social oppression in Poorvanchal. We will keep you updated with the movement of Padyatra through our regular mails.


Yours Sincerely,

Vidya Bhushan Rawat, Social Development Foundation, Delhi : Phone 011-65902846,

Ram Chandra Prasad, Dr B.R.Ambedkar Gramodyog Sansthan, Deoria
Ram Bhuvan, Jan Kalyan SanshtanChauri Chaura
Rajkapoor Rawat, Convener, UP Land Alliance, Mohammdabad, Ghazipur
D.P.Baudh, Lord Buddha Trust, Kushinagar
Indra Dev Mehra, Deoria
Ramasrey Nishad, Rudrapur, Deoria
Rajendra Sahni, Tal Ratoy Machchua Jan Kalyan Sansthan, Maryadpur, Mau
Sumitra Rajbhar, Dalit Mahila Mukti Manch Maryadpur, Mau
Rajan, from Swachchakar community in Laar
And many others







Saturday, May 12, 2007

Defining Moments of Dalit Empowerment in Uttar-Pradesh



Dalits defeats Hindutva with the help of Brahmins: Will it work?


Vidya Bhushan Rawat


It was May 2002 when I was on a Padyatra in Bundelkhand. After nearly 10 days of the yatra, we were in a tribal village of Kols who were threatened by the forest department and police officials every time they tilled their land. The day we reached this tiny village on the track of the mighty Indian Railways, the political wind in Lucknow was changing and news of Mayawati’s assuming charge of Uttar-Pradesh became clear. There was jubilation in the village. The whole night, the Kols, their men and women both, danced and sang in the loudest possible voice. When I asked them whether they do not fear the police now. ‘No’, said an elderly man, ‘now with Mayawati at the helm of affair in Uttar-Pradesh, no body can touch us’.

That was the power of Mayawati that the Dalits and MBCs felt safe and secure in the otherwise adverse administrative environment of Uttar-Pradesh. And soon after Mayawati’s resigned and Mulayam Singh Yadav cobbled a majority with the help of BJP, I got a phone call from a Chamar family in Faizabad district. The landless family had been granted a house under the Indira Awas Yojana. The Kurmis, the powerful landowning backward community and traditionally with high anti dalit feeling, used the change in political power in Lucknow to terrorize the Chamar family and hence the entire community was living in constant fear. Even the women Sarpanch who happened to be a Dalit was assaulted. We went to meet a Minister in Lucknow who was once upon a time very close comrade of Late Kanshi Ram. The minister’s first question to the community was ‘ whether they voted him?’ Though he wrote a letter to the local officer yet the Minister knew it well where the community loyalty were and hence we was not very keen on helping them.

Today, Mayawati and her Bahujan Samaj Party have got a decisive mandate in Uttar-Pradesh. It was one of the fairest polls in Uttar-Pradesh where the voter voted with out any fear. Bahujan Samaj Party got 206 seats out of 402, clear mandate from the voters of Uttar-Pradesh. The pollsters have been predicting that BSP would emerge single largest party and Malayam Singh Yadav and his cronies were thinking that they would still be able to manipulate the things. Uttar-Pradesh’s poll results have proved every body wrong. The thing is that these pollsters wanted BJP to get stronger not because of their love for Hindutva but for their corporate connections. BJP got legitimacy by the media because of its media linkages and strong corporate connections. It was difficult for them to ignore but the voters have proved every one of them widely wrong and one only hope that they would not try to influence the result. It is also proved that these opinion polls may change the heart of upper caste English speaking people, they seldom change the mind and determination of Dalits. Dalits and Muslims have developed their own communal network of understanding and rarely do they depend on media analysis for who to vote particularly in Uttar-Pradesh, which is definitely a better sign of maturity.

It is a Vote against India Shining

In 2004, the National Democratic Alliance lost power because of the ‘India Shining’ campaign. Chandra Babu Naidu lost in Andhra Pradesh, S.M.Krishna lost in Karnatka, Amrinder Singh in Punjab and N D Tiwari in Uttarakhand. Even in Delhi Shiela Dixit led Congress had to face defeat. Mulayam Singh Yadav went to poll with slogan ‘ UP main hai dum, kyonki aparadh yahan hai kam’, a slogan coined by one of the ‘friends’ of Mulayam Singh, Mr Amitabh Bachchan. Bachchan and his advisers felt that they can sale anything. It was shameful that Amitabh Bachchan felt that Uttar-Pradesh was a place worth living because there was no crime here, when hundreds of children went missing in Nithari and kidnapping and ransom became the order of the day. Mr Amar Singh would come and give the journalist the other document about Delhi and other parts of the country. Since Amar Singh and his friends have glamour connections they thought that in this market everything is saleable. Amitabh Bachchan must realize that he is as mortal as any one else and hence should stop playing dirty politics in Uttar-Pradesh as people are simply not impressed with his shrewd manipulations.

It is shameful to call Yadav as son of the farmer when the farmers were facing difficulties. The most fertile land of Dadri was sold at the throw away price to friend Anil Ambani. New malls were being promoted and Amar Singh was providing glamour from Bollywood to Mulayam Singh Yadav. There was no electricity in the villages. Mulyam thought that he would dole out money to the rural folks and they would in turn vote him. He declared unemployment allowance. There was Kanya Vidya Dhan where he gave Rs 20,000/- to every girl who passed intermediate, though the amount never reached the needy people. Mulayam felt that Muslims have no choice except him. Despite the fact that goons have got their freedom and criminals were made ministers, Mulayam and his friends felt that people don’t understand politics. His anti Dalit postures and placating the upper castes at the cost of Dalits were so powerful that those who do not subscribe to Mayawati’s politics of appeasing Brahmins were willing to bet for Mayawati as a better administrator.

Rejection of narrow caste based Parties

Most of the small time political parties in Uttar-Pradesh have been decimated. People like Sone Lal Patel who thought the Kurmis would be behind him lost them. Beni Prasad Varma lost from Ayodhya and in the domain of Dadua, two Brahmin candidate of the BSP won the seat. The Rajbhar party of Om Prakash Yadav too lost. This party used to ask its cadre to remove Dr Ambedkar’s portrait and put Raja Sohail Dev in their houses as if Sohail Dev fought for social justice.

Haji Yaqoob won from Sardhana and he comes from the BSP background. The problem is that all the political fronts that were created in the later stage had one problem. Their sheer anti Chamar posturing. It was felt that since the BSP is a party led by Mayawati, it is automatically dominated by the Chamars hence there is a need for other groups to have similar experiment. Those who do think in these lines forget some important aspect of the Chamar-Jatav experience of BSP. Chamars have been a politically mobile community. It understood the importance of political empowerment, the message of Baba Saheb Ambedkar. Chamar is the only community, which took BSP’s political empowerment as a mission. Not only did they stood rock solid behind Mayawati but also ensured that the networking of communities go beyond their own community. Kanshi Ram had promoted some of the most unrepresented communities in BSP giving him total loyalty from these communities. One need to understand and appreciate that BSP did not just win with just Muslim-Chamar-Brahmin vote. The fact is a large number of other communities particularly the MBCs also voted for the party. While the smaller parties could rarely make their agenda broader. Can any agenda be there on anti Ambedkar platform? Ambedkar is the essential component of any party of India, which claim to work for the Dalits and the marginalized. To equate Sardar Patel (as Sone Pal Patel did), or Suhail Dev in the case of Om Prakash Rajbhar’s Rastriya Vikas Party, with Ambedkar ignoring the great legacy of Baba Saheb and his tireless work for the marginalized. Can we really say that Sardar and Sohail Dev had that much of commitment for the poor. Sone Lal Patel was ready to give ticket to Bablu Srivastava and Abu Salem. Glorifying every one who is not an upper caste would not work and failed. These parties did not have any perception and want to ally with any one who can give them space and legitimacy. Result was that Rajbhar went and broke with Congress while Patel fought with BJP-JDU. The small caste based political parties actually failed to mobiles people. Their focus was too narrow and on their own caste. They did not make proper alliance. The political leaders heading these parties are not less autocratic than Mayawati. There was no effort from their side to reach different caste segments. Many of them felt that just waving hands and organizing public meeting at the eleventh hour would work but BSP’s strength was the work of its ‘missionary’ workers.

Survival of the fittest

Secondly, the upper castes also knew well that their future lies with BSP. That is also the danger whether Mayawati would be able to deal with the problems that the Dalits face in the village. Whether the conflict would be lesser. It is no doubt that in the past the agrarian communities were at the logger heads with the Dalits as their common interest on land and agriculture clash yet it would be absolutely cynical to conclude that Dalits and Brahmins make natural alliance and that their interest clash with shudra communities. One must understand that in UP it is the power conflict and that some of the backward communities might have gained after the Zamindari Abolition and post Mandal some of the politically mobile backward communities came in close cooperation with the Kshatriya communities and might have involved in hitting the Dalits but the condition and isolation of communities like Rajbhars, Nishads, Kashyaps, Nais, Gonds is similar to that of the Dalits. It is also a misgiving that Brahmins are marginalized like Chamars. How can a community which was oppressor and other which was at the receiving end could be put with in a bracket? Second, even during the post mandal era, Brahmins were never marginalized. Those who thought that Narsimha Rao was the last Brahmin prime minister have to eat up their word with Atal Bihari Vajpayee taking over BJP’s command. In fact, one thing that went against Lal Krishna Advani was his being a non-Brahmin otherwise, what is the difference between Advani and Vajpayee? Both great friends and presided over a regime where minorities felt deeply neglected and frightened. Both were equally communal but Vajpayee was always made as if he is different than Advani.

Brahmins will never be marginalized in India as long as India remains confine to brahmanical wisdom and its communities continue to prostrate to inefficient and cruel gods. The Brahmin bureaucracy is high and mighty. Most of the newspapers and magazines have not only Brahmin editors but also reporters and copy editors. The gap between the Brahmins and non-Brahmins is too high to be narrated hence to say that Brahmins have suddenly changed would be reading too much in the verdict.

No doubt the Brahmins have come along with Mayawati after she offered them handsome number of tickets. It is also important to understand that coming along with Mayawati was the only option for them as Hindutva agenda was becoming too futile for every one. More than that, with in the Hindutva, Rajnath Singh and then Yogi Aditya Nath, both Thakurs, allegedly supported the parochial caste interests. Most of the ticket that Aditya Nath got in the BJP went to the Thakurs hence the Brahmins were disgusted. Mulayam Singh Yadav, though, played Brahmin card, yet the community felt he was too close to the Thakurs, a rival community. The upsurge of the Brahmins have come from the fact that during the post Mandal political alliance MAJGR ( Muslim, Ahir, Jat, Gujar and Rajput) actually marginalized the Brahmins. Therefore, Brahmins were in a look for a solid alliance, which could revive their fortune.

To say that this alliance would be easily replicated elsewhere would be too simplistic. Such alliance may not work in UP in future also leave alone in states like Madhya Pradesh, Maharastra, Gujarat, Rajasthan or Haryana. UP verdict was a clear vote against Mulayam Singh Yadav and his jungle Raj. Secondly, the vote was too low and only the ‘missionaries’ votes ensured BSP won. The party had meticulously planned its strategies, which resulted in its success.

Secondly, Brahmins never hurt directly. It is the institutionalization of the caste system that we are opposed to and not an individual. Yet, things may not change in UP as long as you are asked to represent your caste. The Brahmins and other upper castes have joined BSP to save their interest and not left their caste philosophy of Hindutva. One only hopes that Mayawati would not compromise with the interest of the Dalits and take strong
action against the cases of violence against the Dalits in the state.

Politicisation is the key to empowerment

I have always held the view that politicization is the key to Dalit empowerment. The NGOs might work to claim the legacy of Ambedkarite movement; it is ironical that it is Uttar-Pradesh and Bihar, which are the guiding destiny of the Dalit movement in India. While funds to support the ‘Dalit movement’ coming in the southern part of India, people claiming to ‘end caste system’ in certain pockets of north India, copies of ‘great work’ being shown to international donor agencies, the fact remain, it is the Dalit of Uttar-Pradesh who has taken it as task of mission. The political empowerment of the Dalits in Uttar-Pradesh is a result out of Ambedkarite understanding. It is the Jatavs and Chamars of Agra who were quick to leave their work and become part of Dr Ambedkar’s movement. It is this Ambedkarite legacy coupled with Buddhist understanding that this community was able to change the fortune of the Dalit movement in India.

BSP is not Dalit movement yet it is the only political party of Ambedkarite legacy. All other political outfits today are unable to understand the vacuum among the political parties. Mayawati remain the only serious contender for that and that is why the Dalits are solidly behind her ignoring her own record of corruption.

Dalits have to forge alliances elsewhere but more than it need committed missionaries to take the movement further. BSP is a political outfit and may have to make many compromises but the movement has to continue to make its presence felt, to pressurize the political class to be careful, to guide even the political forces to take the right path.

Hindutva punctured : UP’s mandate makes us proud

Finally, the electoral mandate in Uttar-Pradesh makes us proud for two things. One that the people have rejected the shining brigade and want the political leaders to concentrate on the basic issues. Second, it will definitely give a boost to those working for the empowerment of Dalits whether they agree or differ with Mayawati’s style of functioning, as this is a real opportunity for her to prove. Thirdly, the total decimation of the Hindutva and its top class leadership. The results in Uttarakhand and Punjab and later in Delhi gave us nightmare of Hindtuva’s uninterrupted march to Delhi. Now, the results in Uttar-Pradesh have sent the Hindutva hardliners to graveyards. Hindutva and its communal agenda can only be defeated by an enlightened Dalit Bahujan confederation along with truly secular rationalists. Those who want to call themselves secular and still promote irrational practices cannot be called secular. A popular icon’s flirtation with rituals and religiosity cannot make him secular, as Mulayam wanted us to believe. Mayawati need to understand that flirtation with Hindutva proved expensive for her in the past. She should remain careful in further approach and deal with such forces ruthlessly. She should not allow Uttar-Pradesh to become an experimenting ground for the thugs of Hindutva whose hate campaign against the Muslims did not work. We all know that how the Hindutva’s gang operated and tried to vitiate the atmosphere in the entire state. The best practice of the upper caste is that if you cannot conquer some one just co-opt him. Mayawati should send out clear message of her priority of good governance and her commitment to social justice. One welcome the victory of over 14% Muslims in UP Assembly from all the parties. This shows that a rainbow coalition in UP of the Dalits, marginalized and minorities is a functioning reality in the villages and those who want to break it for narrow political purposes would bite dust in Uttar-Pradesh.

Though BSP had rarely come out in open against the economic policies or on the issue of reservation, it is important that the party does not compromise on these issues. Already, the courts in India are playing the dirty games of spoiling everything that is meant for social justice. The land reform has been made redundant by continuous litigations in the court. The political participation of the Dalits and marginalized is under the threat and various cases are there against top political leadership.

Significance of power in Lucknow

The assumption of power of the largest state has significance for the Dalits and Marginalised all over the country. Yet, unless great work is done by those in power, they remain mere symbolic. Mayawati has used these symbols to spread her base. Those have been important milestones, now at the fourth term; she need to define her economic and social agenda and must move beyond symbols. Land Reform is long over due and that need to be vigorously implemented apart from that there must be quota for the MBCs. She must implement the Ambedkargaon scheme and bring drastic change in the already crippled educational mess in Uttar-Pradesh. In her earlier stints she did not have majority, now with enough MLAs on her side, she need to build Uttar-Pradesh and turn it to an enlightened Pradesh. The country is waiting this transformation of power in this state, which could turn out a role model state for others, but it depends on how she handles it. Whether she would be able to annoy her newfound allies in the form of Brahmins? How this contradiction is managed will be seen in the coming days. Meanwhile, the struggling masses of Dalits and other marginalized must not remain satisfied with this as their becoming mute would give ample space to political leadership to manipulate. The time of Ambedkarite pressure group has now come. It must work as a link between the aspiration of Dalit masses and the duties of a Dalit political leadership. Today, with the Chief Justice of India at the top judiciary, with a chief of University Grants Commission and with a member in Planning Commission and other number of dignitaries, Dalits Empowerment is here to stay yet a large number of those who are still far away from basic amenities of life, Mayawati’s ascendance brings hope. A hope that she would change the power equations that hurt Dalits and provide social and economic security to all. That Behenjee would reason first before giving any approval to private corporations, builders, mafias who want UP to ‘shine’ at the cost of its poor Dalit Bahujan masses. One is sure that this government will not betray its mandate that people of Uttar-Pradesh has given to it. Let us hope that she will keep these in mind before proceeding to Dadari and other such projects, which were granted out of personal loyalty by the previous government. Let us hope that Mayawati will remain committed to the ideas of her idols like Baba Saheb, Sri Narayanguru, Periyar and Chhatripati Shahuji Maharaj. Hope she would not erect a Ganesha in between to placate the Brahmins. The struggle of the Dalits for dignity and self-respect was based on their right against the brahmanical forces and irrationality of the caste system. One only hopes that this rich legacy would not be lost in the din of ‘empowerment’ in Lucknow.