Thursday, March 15, 2012
Need to revive Kanshiram's mission in Uttar-Pradesh
Sunday, June 05, 2011
Hidden entry of the corrupted against corruption
Thursday, December 30, 2010
Growing Intolerance to Freedom of Expression and civil liberties
Need judicial reforms and a debate on the issues of sedition and governance
By Vidya Bhushan Rawat
As year 2010 is approaching to an end, the outrageous verdict pronounced by a Raipur court to Dr Binayak Sen is a reminder of how judicial system is working in India particularly the lower judiciary. It has not only shocked the nation but also proved that in this country any talk of senses would be dealt by the government and its authorities in the similar way. It is more shameful when we find the same charges being leveled against Arundhati Roy for alleged ‘anti-national’ remarks on Kashmir. It is sadly a poor reflection on how things are manipulated in India by authorities.. Definitely, it shocked the middle class upper caste Hindus also who think how such charge can be leveled against him. So far treason and sedition charges are always domain of the ‘Muslims’ but now we are turning more ‘secular’ for the same.
But my issue is not with what Binayak Sen and Arundhati Roy write or who they meet which actually is part of the life of all of us who claim to work for people. As human rights activist we are supposed to meet and visit people who feel they are threatened and wrongly abused by the state and its authorities. All this is part of democratic process as the aim is to bring people to negotiating table and force the state to be more responsible. State has all the power and that power need to be used with utmost care and more responsibility and accountability. State can not act in a streetfight acting on tit for tat slogan.
We all know that in the past 20 years, India has further degenerated in to the core values of state’s responsibility. The directive principles of our constitution guided us to make a responsible state towards the Dalits and Adivasis. As the assertion of Dalits and Adviasis grew, the state started abdicating its responsibility in a very shrewd way. The two important issues that are part and parcel of our struggle are Land Redistribution and participation in power structure through reservation in the government jobs. Since 1990s, they became target of the ruling elite. Hence on the one hand, the subsequent government in post 1990s opted for opening up of Indian market and thus killing our farmers on the one hand and allowing privatization of more and more companies thus reducing the job quota to a virtual nil in the government sector. This was the silent poison introduce by the government. The ruling elite were not satisfied with this only. The marginalization and isolation of Muslims was complete. Though this country has a history of communal disturbances yet Babari demolition shook the very basic foundation of our nationhood yet nothing happened to those who were behind the killings of people and incited hatred against the ‘second largest community’ in India Contrary to what we felt that these communalist forces would be thrashed and sent to jail, we saw Lal Krishna Advani became deputy prime minister of the country for his Ayodhya Kand. Narendra Modi became chief minister after massacring thousands of Muslims in Gujarat and Kalyan Singh who took oath to defend the Babari Mosque was sentenced to one day imprisonment for a clear act of sedition which actually created an unprecedented divide in the country. We did not a find single sentence for those who allegedly were responsible for massacring thousands of Sikhs in Delhi’s 1984 riots. After 1993 riots Bal Thackrey’s Shiv Sena came to power in Maharastra. Why not a fast track court for our politicians? Can there be any case against Lal Krishna Advani, Narendra Modi, Uma Bharati and Kalyan Singh under sedition. No, they have raised the consciousness of this country for Ram Mandir, the ‘most important’ issue the country, hence they got awarded with power in the country. Actually, questioning the mainstream politics has become very much like a blasphemy law in India and that could send you to jail. This has to be challenged at all level.
If these things were not enough to break the bone of the people of India, the power brokers forced the government to grab the fertile land of the country. Millions of hectares of land was handed over in a throw away prices to the industrialists who suck our blood from morning till evening. The authorities were hell bent to grab all these for the ‘development’ of our country. In each spheres of our life we find rampant corruption which is killing us. Our politicians, bureaucrats, journalists, along with corporate have looted our resources and displaced people from their own places without providing an alternatives. No debate is taking place in parliament on the issues of national concern. If one party opposes certain initiative, they are doing the same in their state. The Hindutva people knew it very well that a cocktail of ‘capital’ and ‘brahmanism’ is best suited to protect their interests in India and hence they have Brahmanised the Indian polity resulting almost no opposition for government policies on corporate. That is why any mention of ‘Hindu terrorist evoke such sharp reactions in Indian media. They do not have same when we refer to Islamic terrorists or Muslim terrorists. The media already become part of the power gangs and judiciary out of domain for the poor, there is no way out for the poorest of the poor. The issues of tribal are in direct conflict with the issue of development. It is not that they do not want it but then the question is whether any one of us ever thought what they want. The democratic deficit in tribal land turned their anger against the state. Hundreds of them have been arrested and put into the jails for no faults of them. Their voices rarely got representation in the mainstream for the sake of ‘community representation’. It is difficult to understand that even the political parties claiming to work for them rarely raised those issues in Parliament and state assemblies.
Land grabbing helped all those contractors come in close contacts of the power elite. Each event in this country has relation with land grabbing and corruption. It is therefore important why right from Common Wealth Games to building of dams, parks, hotels, resorts, SEZs, High ways are the out come of a big disease called brahmanical capitalism at the moment being developed under the supervision of power elites. There is no debate for it as most of them have their hand strained in the blood of the people. That the issue of corruption will never become an issue as it does not influence people who have grown up in worshipping our political class. The only thing is that it has decentralized. Earlier it has brahmanical hegemony but now slowly the Dalit-Bahujans are also having their take in it though their percentage seems to be very low. But at the end of the day, the impact of this is on the poorest of the poor whether it is taken by any one. You can only be good if you dance to the tone of corporate. Hence a Nitish Kumar will turn sour if he does not allot land to some Tatas or Ambanis on throw away prices like Naveen Patnayak.
When the voices of opposition are nowhere then who has to play the role of it. Hundreds of local struggles have emerged up against the state policies which are uprooting people from their land. Whether it is Chhattishgarh state which is currently being ruled by a non tribal and that is the biggest irony of the state,. Similarly, other states have been governed by those who did not remain behind to keep the Dalits and tribal out of their developmental plans. States such as Andhra Pradesh, Jharkhand, Tamilnadu, Gujarat, Maharastra and Uttarakhand, have provided their fertile land and water resources are at the cost of their people to these greedy corporations, many of whom are being run by our ‘esteemed’ politicians, are facing the protest of the people who are resisting every bit of this illegal take over of their land cultivated and nurtured by their ancestors. For ‘national’ media these are ‘regional’ news but the unrest is high though not formidable as people have to look for their next day meal too. It is not my contention that people do not need development but as a human rights defender, I must add that if State has failed to improve the condition of the people then its sovereignty has no right to take the lives of the people. Where is the state when tribal are dying of hunger or their women are being raped by our police and forces? Will they not turn the people against its might? Why is Kashmir boiling? Why is the North East still unable to reconcile to us? It is not that they do not want to be with us but how have we treated them. Can a Kashmiri Muslim get a room on rent in our cities? What do the girls of the North East face truants in Delhi and other parts of the country? What are we as a state? A State of racist nature, which look down upon those who it feel different than us. Yes, as a nation we still worship the white skin and look down upon the black.
Therefore, it is logical for humanists, human rights activists, and social action groups to play the role of the opposition. The issues of Human Rights of the Dalits were taken to international agenda not by the political parties but by the Dalit rights activists who spoke there and presented despite the powerful opposition from the shameless government of India which denied existence of caste based prejudices in India citing the laws and acts in Indian constitution. It is important for the health of democracy that political parties raise the issues concerning the masses but over the last 20 years politics has just become the game of non political actors and that is a dangerous phenomenon. Political parties might have empowered some of them but it is the social movements which have changed the lives of the people. And since many of the writers, activists, struggles for people’s right over resources are challenging government’s action particularly on the issue of sovereignty they are easily targeted as ‘being anti national’ or supporting secessionists or in more popular discourse, supporting the Maoists. For a nation to survive as a healthy democracy, it is important that we have an open debate on issues concerning our people. A debate on Kashmir can not be judged on Barkha Dutt’s upper caste show on NDTV. It needs to be organized in Kashmir and let those champions of Hindutva be there and speak among the masses. The issue of Advasis, need to be discussed with their people and not with one or two members showcased in the TV studios of Delhi to justify that ‘we have space for ‘their’ voices. Let the journalist report going to nook and corners of the country and not become part and parcel of our ‘intelligence’ network. The greatest danger to our democracy is the growing disappearance of demarcation line between a reporter and an intelligence person, between a PR person and an editor. They all have merged together so much that it is important to know who is the person and what is he writing.
The self styled mainstream media has rarely spoken for people who are rotting in our jails. They speak for Dr Binayak Sen as they feel he was one among them. It is a class-caste consciousness which has shocked them that if such a thing could happen to him, it might happen to them. But the fact is media has completely lost interest in people’s issues. Binayak Sen is not important. Important is the issue of charges against him and the way police framed him. Important is to question our sedition laws and the issue of my right to criticize the state. He was critical of Salawa Judum which the state felt was providing justice to the tribal who were not Naxalites. Even the Supreme Court had held that state can not give private citizens right to kill each other and Salwa Judum was that. Hence, questioning state polices today is being considered as challenge to our sovereignty. Therefore, I am also happy that this verdict will expose the Indian judicial system, its courts, its trial methods and how they function. It is indeed a case for judicial reforms in India.
Therefore, it is not necessary for me to dwell on the argument of Dr Binayak Sen or Arundhati Roy which may suffer from flaws and we all have those flaws as we become too sensitive to the issues close to our heart and that is what true about those who fight for people’s right. We may differ on our perceptions but as writers, authors, human rights activists always believe in their perceptions and beliefs and that makes them different than others. We are not political leaders who speak for the ‘people’. We speak our voices and our feeling. As a human rights defender, I write many things which many may not like, of course, many others like them too yet, it is important that this freedom remain unchallenged. For, because of such people, the forces of state and its sponsored campaigns and laws are challenged.
Is not it a hypocrisy that when a Chinese dissenter got Nobel Peace Prize earlier this year, Indian government send its representative to attend the ceremony despite China’s effort to dissuade India from doing so. It was a great gesture in support of a human rights defender for democracy in that country who has been allegedly framed for treason in that country. Its shameful that Binayak Sen’s case is becoming a very similar one where the state is hell bent to prove that he worked against the state.. Binayak Sen might not have done so many things but in their dirty tricks the government officials will only make him bigger and larger than life. The world will only cry foul on conviction of the local court which looks like a kangaroo trial. For long there have been demands for a National judicial Commission and implementation of quota for SC-ST-OBCs, in the judiciary so that the judges themselves understand their issues with utmost care before passing a judgment. The courts have actually become biggest obstacles in progressive laws. Most of the judges have biases against Dalit-Adivasis and their issues related to them. The issue of quota is being made redundant through judicial interventions. Similarly, land reforms failed in India as in most of the cases the high and mighty went to court against land ceiling laws. The brahmanical minds created various side ways to destroy all the reforms and acts.
Binayak Sen has a formidable background as a doctor as well as a civil rights activist and hence his case became internationalized otherwise ordinary mortals like us would never ever think of civil libertarians and news papers supporting this freedom. Hence, we must support his release and ask for a thorough scrutiny of the conditions in Indian jails and reform in the judiciary. Binayak Sen is definitely bound to get justice but in the din of hello being created around, we must not forget thousands of innocents being put in the jail for being Jehadis, Naxalites and what not. Any one raise the issue for his right is charged with challenging the state and this mindset has to be challenged. It is time to start a complete debate on these issues which have emerged out of Binayak Sen’s conviction.
Saturday, December 25, 2010
Mahad's historical struggle and its importance today
Manusmriti need to be burnt not in its physicality alone but also from our hearts and minds
By Vidya Bhushan Rawat
Two sisters from scavenging community were burnt to death by an upper caste mob in Moradabad district of Uttar-Pradesh for an alleged murder committed by their brother who is still at large. The family requested the police to protect them yet nothing happened. Contrary to what the girl’s distraught mother is saying, the Uttar-Pradesh police already suggested that the girls committed suicide because of the regular humiliation by their neighbors regarding their brothers.
Uttar-Pradesh, people say, is the laboratory of the Dalit-Bahujan politics. Unfortunately, Brahmanism still remains as powerful in the state as ever though its functionality and strategies have changed drastically. The Dalit- Bahujan concept has taken a beating here and to the best now the new agendas of different caste identities have emerged in the state. Tragically, this assertion movement has some where drifted from what Baba Saheb Ambedkar charted for all the oppressed of the country, a new vision under Buddha’s liberating path. Uttar-Pradesh has seen empowered Dalit Bahujan politics but unlike Maharastra the efforts for a counter culture here have not worked well. In the absence of a counter culture, the Dalit Bahujan leaderships of different communities are targeting each other and in the end reinforcing brahmanical beliefs of supremacy and purity. As long as caste remains, Brahmanism will work to the benefits of the powerful and maintain hegemonies of a few.
It is therefore necessary to revisit the historic path of Baba Saheb Ambedkar in Mahad where he fought the rights of the people denied human dignity and access the natural resources. Water is a natural resource and none has right to control it and Ambedkar’s fight for water right for the Dalits is an example of how people’s movement can bring social change as he was not just breaking the brahmanical hegemony over water but also pointing that without equality of women and their effective participation no movement would succeed. He, along with thousands of his followers, predominantly women, burnt Manusmriti, the law book of the Hindus. It was not just symbolic but a strong rejection of racist Hindu social order which denied human being equality, liberty and fraternity. It was just not a political issue as he made an important statement in burning Manusmriti, which means that the rejection of old order based on racial prejudices of cultural supremacy must essentially be part of any movement meant for social justice. Hence, December 25th must be celebrated as a human rights day of the oppressed all over the world. We can not leave this symbolic day to the pages of history only but take it further to demolish Machiavellian politics of highest kind where people are marginalized through divine sanctions and subjugated further in the name of Gods and the books supposedly written by them. No book was bigger than human liberty and freedom and therefore they need to be questioned and formulated according to modern concept of rights for all.
For every student of social sciences and human rights in India must read and understand this historical event of December 25th, 1927, as this will give them ideas to learn and understand what Ambedkar stood for and what he revolted. That was the time, when Baba Saheb challenged the religious superiority of Manu Smriti and termed it a law book of injustice and burnt it with his supporters, it was a big event for millions of people were fooled to believe in a book which can not be changed yet which was responsible for their miseries and sorrows. A person like Ambedkar would not believe in tokenism as he countered each of these laws with his thought provoking critical analysis, yet it was important for him to do something symbolic which sends a positive message among the community.
This is Ambedkar’s century and his forthright views are now a challenge for all hegemonies. Today, the movement for social justice can not imagine anything leaving Ambedkar from the centrality of it. Yet, very unfortunately, many new things are coming up projecting Ambedkar as a person from a particular community, who married to a non Dalit woman and most shockingly, they alleged, he embrace Buddhism under pressure of Hindus. This is the outcome of the growing caste identities being used for individual leaders and their fancies to achieve ‘political power’. There is nothing wrong in attaining political power but how will it sustain without a common cause and common rejection of the Varnashram dharma. How can we challenge Brahmanism without a counter-culture, which is more humane, progressive and ideologically stronger and better than an order based on prejudices and stereotypes? As Dalit Bahujan movement further split into the caste and sub-castes identities hitting at each other, the power of Ambedkar’s cultural vision become more than relevant for all of us. Ambedkar as a challenger of hegemony, a free thinker and an iconoclast would answer to all the irrelevant manipulations of his formulations and ideological constructs being constructed by these prophets of religions who find it unacceptable as why he embraced Buddhism. Problem with these thinking is that all of them denigrate Ambedkar’s great moral courage and hence it is essential to understand Ambedkar in true spirit of his philosophy of life and mission.
Yes, those who feel Ambedkar embraced Buddhism out of fear and pressure from Sangh Parivar do not really appreciate his commitment and strength. A man who could walk out of an audience with Pope John Paul just because the latter could not respond to his questions properly must have been having the courage of conviction. One must understand that Baba Saheb Ambedkar clearly mentioned that Hindu Fundamentalists are the biggest threat and Hindu Rashtra would be a colossal tragedy for India. He talked against political Islam and its threat. It would be very difficult to find a man of Ambedkar’s vision and courage who single handedly brought change in the lives of millions of people in India.
Ambedkar is the name of Freedom, liberty and enlightened individual. And he is aspiration and hope of millions of people denied rights and yet by dint of their hard work, they have challenge the brahmanical superstructure. He was a man of great pragmatism yet never ever compromised on his principles. His pragmatism never ever reflected in politics of opportunism which is very much part of today’s politics and politicians. His thrust on individual is a landmark from any standard as even European society and Americans had not discovered that individualism that Ambedkar aspired for. For him individual was supreme and those who denigrate individual can not really build a healthy society? Our societies deny individual the basic liberty and that is why it can not be called a society.
Today, on December 25th, we must have the courage to be as courageous as Baba Saheb Ambedkar was to his thoughts and action, his creations, his thoughts, of his convictions and commitments. His fight for the fundamental right of access to natural resources, added by rejection of the racist brahmanical order should be part of our college curriculum. Those who believe in egalitarian society must understand the meaning of Ambedkar and his fight for social justice. Today, in the world where our governments and societies are hurting the individual liberty the most, when our political parties are compromising with religious fundamentalists, when our Khap panchayats are deciding what we should do and what should we think, Ambedkar’s ideas remains a beacon of hope. Ambedkar is the hope for all the oppressed. The women in India need to understand that Dr Ambedkar’s struggle for them was supreme. This day when we celebrate the Christmas as big day, it is a big day for millions of people all over the world for their dignity and human right. His ideas need to globalised and propagated internationally so that more and more people understand the enormity of his struggle and modernity of his ideas which changed our world. Let president Obama read Dr Ambedkar and his writings and he will understand the cruelty of Indian village system as well as how a giant like Ambedkar could bring hopes in the lives of million without using any violent methods but simply advocating through a counter culture to oppression and subjugation. The politics of identity is great but as Ambedkar himself said about his own ‘ I was born as Hindu which was not in my hand but I will not die as a Hindu’. It clearly indicates that he was out to create new identity and harp on it. The sacrifice of Baba Saheb Ambedkar was for all of us to live in an enlightened society. We can not have our vision by reasserting our identities created under the brahmanical construct. A new dawn need to be created which means a cultural change is prerequisite for making final assault on Brahmanism and Ambedkar has shown us the path. It is time we chose that identity charted by him and get out of this big brahmanical game of hurting each other. We all may have minor contradiction but we need to understand the bigger contradiction of our life is with the order created by Manu. Baba Saheb chose to hit at that bigger contradiction in Mahad and it is time we need to follow that again and again. We may burn Manu Smriti in public but let us throw it away in the rubbish bin of history and pledge to work for a humanist society as envisaged by Baba Saheb Ambedkar. When we shed our internal prejudices then the mother of the scavenging community girls who were brutally burnt Moradabad would not feel isolated with in the Dalit Bahujan politics and we will not raise an issue when there is a good political crop to harvest. That time every individual is important for us as Baba Saheb time and again maintained. It is tragic that like the Hindus we also prejudge things and confine ourselves in the realm of identity politics. Baba Saheb’s message was meant for all of us and we must come in solidarity of all who need us. It is here that Balmikis of Moradabad need our support. Even if, as some people assume that the brothers of these girls who were burnt, were criminals, that does not mean that the girls and their family should have paid the price for the crime they never committed. Blaming people on their birth identity and on the crime of some one else is brahanical and need to be challenged at all level including our personal and ideological discourse. The biggest defeat of Manu Smriti would be the social-cultural unity of victims of that order created by it, but in the absence of a concrete programme of action and because of conspicuous silence on matter such as these killings create further rifts in the people and make them fall in the hands of those who are actually the biggest offenders of our dignity and human rights. Unity will never happen with big jargons and rhetoric but is only possible with expression of solidarity and participating and being part of every struggle for human dignity and human rights. And message from Mahad is that intellectuals who write must ensure at least some time of their life to be participants of a social movement and struggle for change. How did Baba Saheb Ambedkar found time to write so many things and yet be part of all the major struggles. His writings and work had the conviction strongly inbuilt that unless we become part of social movements for change and unless we shed these brahmanical prejudices and values in our personality, we will always be carrying Manu in our heart and mind. Ambedkar did not have the patience to hear Pope that it will take so many centuries for elimination of caste system and walked out of him. Ambedkar has done his work, it is time for us to pledge that we will not sit ideally unless this notorious system is demolished and the best way to do so would be by taking further his path and creating an enlightened and equitable society, if not among all, at least among our own selves.
Friday, January 01, 2010
The Tribal Question
By Vidya Bhushan Rawat
The last week of December passed at Periyar Thidal in Chennai. It some how stuck to me why the loud mouthed philosophers writing eulogy on Marxism and Maoism in the west, never ever thought of writing something on people like Periyar, Ambedkar and Phule. How have the Indian elite residing abroad forgotten these great icons? Was this conspicuous or an intelligent way of brahmanical crookedness when they speak of ideologies in today’s world.
When Christopher Jefferalot wrote ‘Silent revolution in India’, he understood the changes happening in Indian society. Of course, for the upper elite of Indian intellectuals masquerading as Marxists or Maoists, it was not more than the bourgeoisie game of an identity politics. The whole decade of 1990s was the biggest blow to brahmanical forces in India in the post independent India. The forces of Mandal defeated the forces of Kamandal in the political field but unfortunately there was no periyar, Phule, Ambedkar who could convert this political mobilization as a lethal force for social change which could have dismantled the brahmanical hegemony in India. This resulted in growth of numerous local contradictions which were rarely discussed as the fight was against ‘big enemy’. When you ignore local differences and feel that rather then discussing on them, it is better to keep them under the wrap, a political revolution is found to fail. And the who political change brought by Mandal is there but the leaders are not more then puppets of their brahmanical bosses or following up the same politics of hegemonies of their past masters. Despite their ascendency in power, BJP was mandalised and even the aristocratic Indian left parties had to realize that caste was an important issue in India. The whole decade was a debate on caste issues, the issue of Dalits and Bahujans.
Then came the age when the brahmanical forces started targeting this Dalit Bahujan alliance under a new guise. Now, the backward communities became the biggest villain. Particularly from Tamilnadu, this new thought promoted clandestinely by the Brahmins made Periyar the biggest anti Dalit in the region, undermining and ignoring his whole work against caste system and for women’s liberation. The situation in Uttar-Pradesh also turned like that and Bahujan was converted to Sarvjan for political purpose. One understands this dynamics of politics that the leaders of backward classes in the north remain foot soldiers of Hindutvas. No one can deny this fact today the emergence of shudra leaders in the Sangh Parivar. It will always happen when the secular places will become the den of caste Hindus to preach their ugly sarva-dharma concept, keeping aside the dirty game of caste politics and discrimination against the Dalits. The backwards and the Dalits found it nearly impossible in the party structures of the left and the center of the left and for their politics they will move some where else. The Hindutva protagonists’ used it best for their pusposes. Secularism is not just a few preaching by these elite which is far away from the people but participation in our national life by different nationalities which in India are reflected through caste identities.
At the Periyar Thidal, I found Periyar decrying Gods. How could this succeed in Tamilnadu. Despite all reservations and this article will not have enough space to discuss that, Periyar’s social movement in Tamilnadu worked. It broke the back bone of the cultural values propagated by Brahmins. Yes, the hatred against him grow and still exists as a Tamiln Brahmin today find more happiness living in Delhi then in Chennai. During my return, a university profession from Tamilnadu was proudly expressing her Brahmin lineage and condemning Periyar as an illiterate. ( Periyar was not even a matriculate). When I told her about Periyar’s social movement for women, she simply said that he married to a much younger woman then him. But what is the problem of two adults marrying to each other. It is a private matter and the woman who married should answer to that and no third party has any business to decide what is happiness for her, I told this woman.
The point here is that the Brahmins have never forgiven Periyar for his work of awareness in Tamilnadu. As a freethinker, I do not suffer from any particular ism and for me every great man is open to questions and might have made mistakes. We remember their good work and learn from their mistakes but condemning a man on his caste and looking upon him in utter contempt.
The work of Ambedkar and Periyar provided a new hope of life to all those who were victim of brahmanical hegemony. Not only they, Phule, Sahuji Maharaj, Ayothee Thass, and many other revolutionaries actually felt that dismantling the caste system was the precondition for an enlightened India. Ambedkar visualized it in terms of Prabudha Bharat. Almost all of these ideologues felt the biggest threat to India is through the hegemony of the brahmanical system and hence they worked to uproot it. It was not just political control over the Bahujans but also emotional blackmailing of the oppressed communities through ritualistic jokes in the name of puja-archana.
But social reform was never on the agenda of those who claim to speak on behalf of the Maoists. They can only speak about imperialism and that too of global order. It is shocking that all those who are speaking against the Maoists violence have been turned as ‘state agent’ while those claiming to represent the ‘movement’ champion the cause of the
‘Helpless’ tribal as if they did not fight their battles. Why we ignore historical battles in Jharkhand, Bastar and elsewhere.
Have the tribal become so helpless that they are unable to fight their battle? Is Maoism and tribal identity the same? It is made to believe like that. It is made to believe that it is a battle of social justice. Battle of social justice is much bigger an issue and can not be fought by becoming the messiah of the tribal and importing the upper caste leadership on them.
During the British war, the Hindus were quick to jump on Gandhian Khadi to look better and superior to others. M.N.Roy termed as a fascist tendency. He said that Indian fascism would be quintessentially a cultural onslaught. It may not be violent like what happened in Germany he wrote, but assimilation and annihilation of culture of the oppressed communities. Soon, from Gandhi-ism, the elite jump into the Sangh parivar nationalism. Then the more articulative of them shifted to Marxism who would discuss Vietnam and American hegemony world over but had no time to see what happened in Eastern European countries where freedom to express became an alien term. In the 1970s, it was the socialist leaning of the people which made them feel superior to others. They would talk about ‘taking’ care of the poor and felt that since they do not believe in caste hence caste does not exist. In the battle against emergency all these forces joined hand and gave a new legitimacy to Sangh parivar in the national politics.
In the eighties, civil society groups began to develop and a new agenda of developmental work was put on test. A number of big names ventured into it and therefore many big institutions developed. In the 1990s, the slogan of Kanshi Ram ‘ Jisaki ladai, uski aguwai’ ( the leadership should rest with those who are struggling..) rented in the air. Vote hamara raj tumhara nahee chalega nahee chalega.. our vote, your government will not work will not work). So, most of the deprived sections went their own way ignoring all these ideological calls. For them, the issue of their identity became more important. Most of them felt that they had been systematically denied history by these elite ‘movements’.
1990s was important for mandalisation process. But it was also important for undoing it by Narsimha Rao, in the form of Structual Adjustment programmes of the World Bank. Those frustrated with reservation policies of the government found it relieving to get into the ever growing private sector. The upper castes soon found their way into it. The elite again started glorifying the new term of globalization. The same time, we saw growth of Hindutva’s forces in the Center through their vicious anti Muslim propaganda. We saw massacre of the Muslims happening in Gujarat and nothing happened. Despite all noises at international and national level, no social movement could develop in Gujarat which could threaten the existing regime of hatred there. Narendra Modi grew stronger and stronger despite all efforts to nail him down constitutionally. The law remains meek to those in power.
As the privatization of the national resources continues, a new agenda was sought to be imposed on the country. It is the agenda of the loot of people’s property. It is interesting to see that in this loot, many of the powerful people and their communities are also involved yet no voices. Thousands of hectares of land has gone to local industrialists and no voices of concern. Yes, most of the land movement is visible in the form of anti SEZ protests. The rulers have succeeded in compartmentalizing the land movements. Those fighting for water, forest, land remain stagnant. There are very few who want to remind government of historic duty of redistribution of land. Government does not have land they say. One does not know why such nonsensical argument comes when the Ambanis, Tatas, Jindals, Posco, Vedanta etc have acquired huge track of land. Is redistribution of land not the issue because it belong to mostly Dalits? Is there a general antipathy in the social movements towards this as they fear that among the Dalits, the acceptance of upper caste leadership would be difficult? No, a number of those who are today claiming victim hood have been victimizing the Dalits for years. The ‘poor’ caste farmers were never with the Dalits and were in fact experts in exploiting them. It is this tragedy that the social movement remains isolated among their own communities and those who speak on rhetoric have their field day in emotionalizing the people without carrying it to a logical conclusion. Now, there are new shapes given to the movements. It is called ideology. That it is an ideological war. One does not know what ideology is for people whose resources are snatched away from them. For him the biggest issue is how to get it. So whether a Maoist come for him or a Christian priests or an RSS wallah, all those who can help him get land is a leader. Tribal isolation has become an important milestone for every one to propagate their ideologies at the cost of tribal interests.
It is no denying the fact that Adivasi land is under the target by the government and all should join hand in the battle against illegal land grabbing. They remained isolated for years. Romantics of this isolation say they do not need development. They appreciate their culture. They used to do same with Dalits and backward classes unless they found an Ambedkar and Periyar. None of them actually glorified the age old traditions. The biggest battle against the exploitation has to be demolition of the caste based structure and gender discrimination based in our society. The day brahmanical hegemony breaks, the Dalits, Adivassis, backward communities will question their own leaders who use them as a tool to get into power.
Today, through issues of Adivasi, the same debate is being converted into us verses them. George W Bush when attacked Iraq said you are either with us or with Saddam. In the past one year, the writings on tribal issues have turned like this. You have to be a Maoist sympathizer to look Adivasi friendly otherwise you are a government agent. See the irony of this, these writings are emerging from those who have their own fan following in the government, who gets great honorarium from the same capitalist media they decry, who work in the same universities in India and abroad which are funded by the government and these so-called capitalist governments. So the professors in a university who used to have a tag of being ‘ intellectual’ have now a new tag ‘ leader of the movement’ and their only work is to decry every one else who do not agree with them. And this trend is growing. Former IAS officers, doctors, engineers, lawyers, journalists, all becoming leaders of the movement taking the space of those who have been involved in it for years, who have spend their lives for the cause. The thin line between media activism and activism has disappeared. By one PIL people become movement leaders, by one public meeting or one writing you are turning people into movement leaders. Frustration will grow. My question is not to question all those who are working for people. My question is with those who refuse to accept diverse view points of a problem. It is a new kind of jingoism which is turning the entire debate on a ‘holier than thou’ attitude. The issue of the rights of the tribal and dalits is immense. None deny the issue of people right over their resources, but how the battle has to be fought and won is different. I can only wish if the tribal had their own Kanshi Ram who could have made them emerge as an independent entity and not look for messiahs. Dalits in India salute Kanshiram for this political contribution that he has made them an entity where they can stand at their own in this democratic polity. Tribal need political leaders who can stand at their own and fight their battle at their own and not look for imported messiahs. Once they have this, they will win the democratic battle and their own survival as their political class will not remain unaccountable as it seems today.
Sunday, November 30, 2008
A Raja who died as a Faquir
June 25th, 1931-November 27th, 2008
A man of Decency and Conviction
By Vidya Bhushan Rawat
V.P.Singh resigned from his prime ministership when the country was facing one of the worst crises after independence. The Hindutva’s juggernaut was unfolding and the Muslims were the obvious target. His acceptance of the Mandal Commission report ensuring 27% reservation had altered the political landscape of the country. The upper castes were up in the streets, immolating themselves blaming the government for compromising merit. Singh, who was the blue-eyed boy of the Indian elite class particularly the upper castes till then turned villain for his act of providing justice to backward communities. Yes that historical decision on August 7, 1990 changed the course of Indian history when the cabinet accepted the Mandal Commission recommendation and decided to implement 27% reservation for backward communities. India was never the same again. The political parties and realignment of the social justice forces began then. The Hindutva started its Kamandal Yatra from Somnath to Ayodhya to unite the ‘Hindus’ on the Ramjanambhoomi issue but quintessentially to bring them together under the brahmanical domination. The shudra-atishudra communities were cobbling together with Adivasis and determined to make a new rainbow coalition with minorities. The future looked tense for the Hindu upper caste as they decided to work on it. Both the Congress Party under Rajiv Gandhi and the BJP joined hand to dislodge a government, which fulfilled its responsibility to protect the Babari Masjid in Ayodhya. V.P.Singh resigned because the game political parties and over corrupted and ambitious leaders like Chandra Shekar, Devi Lal and Mulayam Singh Yadav played that time. It was the worst kind of politics, which destroyed the broader unity of these communities and paved the way for the right wing Bharatiya Janata Party, to come to power.
V P Singh remains one of the most hated politicians even after almost 20 years of demitting office. The Hindu upper caste would never forgive him for the single act of ‘Mandalisation’ of Indian society, which finally resulted in a clear change in India’s parliament. Though, he was often blamed that Mandal Commission Report was implemented to sideline Devi Lal. The fact was that implementation of Mandal Commission report was part of National Front manifesto. He was just following the manifesto. Moreover, even if he did it for political purposes, why did the champions of social justice not support it?
V.P.Singh was essentially a loner in politics. In the dirty word of politics, where personal loyalties are considered important and money plays an important role, he kept himself away from this. In his remarkable political career, he would be perhaps the only ranking in that top positions ( PMs, CMs and Ministers) who chose to live with great simplicity. His life was an open secret. One of the most accessible political leader, Singh never mind even sitting on Dharana with a few young activists and this was the reason why the social action groups working in the slums of Delhi found in him their patron. At the time when even the local corporation member do not travel without a few gun trotting guards and streams of vehicles Singh could shun publicity and security. In fact immediately after demitting the office, he asked the government to withdraw his SPG.
V.P.Singh is often charged with playing politics. His detractors found it difficult to counter him argumentatively as though Singh might not have been a rebel rouser in political sense as he never lost sight of decency and could mingle with people very easily speaking with them in chaste Bhojpuri, yet because of his sheer conviction and clean personal life, none of them could really challenge him. We all remember those hey days of 1986 when he was expelled from Congress Party and it did everything to stop him addressing public meetings. As youths we all saw in him a hope, an aspiration from getting rid of corruption, which the Congress party epitomized that time. Every where, the ruling Congress that time disrupted meeting, stopped permission for grounds, spied him privately and threatened action against him. His files were traced and journalists like M.J.Akbar were used to get stories published in newspapers like Hindustan Times and Telegraph that Singh has an account in St Kitts. The business-journalist-rightwing nexus is very powerful in India and politicians use it. Singh was perhaps the only politician who not only shunned businessmen but also the middlemen Babas. If he did not hesitate in raiding the industrial houses who were evading taxes particularly notorious Reliance during that time, he also tried to investigate the illegal accounts of our political class. We all know we do not have the proof but a large number of Indians have illegal money in Switzerland. And when an individual fight against the system, with in being part of system, he meet with the fate as VP Singh met. His close colleague Bhure Lal, who was director in the enforcement directorate were shunted. Singh was transferred to Defence Ministry. There also he found that heavy commission was paid in the HDW Submarine deal and ordered inquiry. The price was immense. He was expelled from the Congress.
At the time when our politicians cling with power, Singh was remarkably different. He never sought power, it came to him naturally. He was chief Minister of Uttar-Pradesh in 1980 and launched an anti dacoit crusade but that became a political issue as many of the backward class MLAs charged that the police was killing innocent people from backward communities. In this entire exercise, his own brother, who was a senior Judge of Allahabad High Court, was also killed by the dacoit and owning moral responsibility, he resigned.
It is often said that VP Singh’s Mandal action was mindless political exercise and that he had no conviction. But people forget that the Raja of Manda had already donated his entire estate land in the Bhudan movement. While people might remember him for the acceptance of Mandal Commission Recommendations yet there are many things for which history will always be grateful to him. His Mandal was not just a job exercise but he became a pivotal force in uniting all the progressive forces for social justice. Singh not only gave Ambedkar a due place in the history of India, in the centenary celebration of Baba Saheb Ambedkar, the entire literature of Baba Saheb got translated in Hindi and made available to all the countrymen. Not only Baba Saheb Ambedkar was posthumously awarded Bharat Ratna, his photograph also adores the Parliament House, which should have been done long back. Today, Ambedkar Jayanti is a national holiday and all the governments have to publish tribute to Ambedkar on his birth and death ceremonies. Whether they do it out of conviction or compulsion that is another matter but VP initiated the process and they remain unchangeable now. These things might look smaller and political but they are important when we see it from historical perspective of the people whose history have always been denied and unacknowledged. Today, Mandal, social justice, Ambedkar are matter of research not just for the Dalits but for the upper caste also. Much of the credit goes to his government, which did not compromised on the pulls and pressure and was determined to implement it. One major decision that the National Front government took that time was to grant reservation to neobuddhists, the scheduled caste who embraced Buddhism. It was deservingly a long-standing demand from the Buddhist community.
V.P.Singh was a unique personality. He never believed in the institutional niceties. Very few among us know that he lost his kidney because he sat on a hunger strike against the Bombay riots in 1993. It was an unusual sight as a former prime minister was sitting on a hunger strike. To save himself from going out to urinate, he stopped taking water and in turn lost his kidneys. Today the same Mumbai is bleeding and much of its credit goes to inapt handling of the communal situation by the various Congress government there particularly of Sharad Pawar who refused to take action against the Shiv Sena’s goons.
His determination was absolutely unparallel. During the past twenty years when he was suffering from not only blood cancer and renal failure, he survived and became more creative. He would invite activists, journalists for discussion during his dialysis. He would join protest marches, Dharanas straight after coming from Dialysis. For hundreds of civil society activists, he was an inspiration. Of late, VP Singh knew that he has little in common with the political class and more with the creative people and civil society movements and he became more accessible to all of us. Whether it was the issue of dying farmers in Vidarbha, or the issue slum dwellers of Delhi Singh was moving from one place to other. His energy level could shame the youngsters. During his prime time, he resorted to unusual things. In the famous Allahabad by-election, he campaigned in the cycle only. When he was Chief Minister of Uttar-Pradesh, he campaigned in the public transport. In 1989 he canvassed the entire north India in his car. It is rare that he ever traveled by helicopter and special planes. Today, we cannot even imagine that our political class could do so as all these things have become their gadget and prestige symbols.
Few things are important before I finish this. VP Singh made history and at every place that he went he fought with the system. He was a part of system yet refused to accept its finality. He played by his own game. He remained absolutely clean till end. None of his detractors can charge him of any kind of red-tapism and corruption which are hall mark of today’s politics. Despite all the insult heaped on him by the Congress Party and later his own Janata detractors like Mulayam Singh Yadav, he rarely responded to these. He only responded to those who any one charges him of his personal integrity. Journalists like M.J.Akbar became pawn in big game to defame him. Later Arun Shourie became his bitter critique and switched side to BJP championing the cause of Hindutva. Some body should ask Shourie about his morality when he wrote reams of paper on corruption in Reliance in the Indian Express when Singh was finance Minister and had launched his campaign against Reliance Industries. Every one of us knows that he was switched from that ministry after industrialists complained against him.
The middle classes liked his act. The Brahmins anointed him the title of Rajyarshi in Varanasi. Everything was great and Singh’s shirt was brighter than Rajiv Gandhi and for that matter any other politician of his time. But everything changed suddenly as his determination to stop the demolition of Babari Masjid by arresting Lal Krishna Adwani and his continuation of the Mandal Recommendation. He did not compromised on two important aspects of Indian constitution namely social justice and secularism. Ironically, his government fell for fulfilling its constitutional obligation by protecting the Babari Masjid. In the entire process VP Singh made himself one of the most hateful politicians in the country. Abused were hurled at him. He was painted as Jaichand. The upper caste media was always scornful at him but they could not ignore him. He was considered as a backstabber in his community while he could not become the leader of the Dalit OBCs. But much of it happened because the time when the seeds of Mandal started reaping fruits, VP Singh’s health became a major issue. He survived for so long because of his creativity and determination to life and work.
The Hindutva fanatics new that the Mandal is the weapon, which will demolish the brahmanical hegemony and it, happened. 20 years after VP’s uncompromising stand, we are witnessing a strange U turn and all those champions of social justice are now returning the compliments to Brahmins and upper castes by offering them tickets and seats, just to secure their power in the state and for the center. An entire movement which would have demolished the brahmanical structure in India is now on the verge of collapse because of not only shortsightedness of the political class but also the lack of probity, democratic spirit and corruption with in the social justice movement. Our leaders will fail us, it need a statesman like VP Singh to unite them. In the death of VP Singh India has lost a historical opportunity to integrate forces of social justice. One will have to wait for some one of his stature who could put aside his personal ambition to unite all Dalit Bahujan communities in the mainstream political formation as we pass through dangerous period where the Hindu fascist forces with their Islamic cousins are ready to acquire mainstream political formation putting aside all the forces of social justice. When RSS and Arun Shourie start quoting Ambedkar, we must understand that time has come to be more proactive and take the threat seriously. And the threat is bigger. It is coming from a mixture of religious rights with capitalist formation, which are hell bent to acquire land from the Dalit Adivasis. VP Singh was well aware of this threat and therefore he was in the forefront of movements for Dalit Adivasis and their rights. He spoke against SEZs and displacement and led the historic Dadari’s farmers movement against land acquistion by Reliance. It is time our Dalit-Bahujan MPs understand the growing threat of Hindutva’s communal virus as well as anti people capitalist agenda and develop a workable rainbow coalition, which VP Singh proved could work wonder for the entire country. The Raja who created ripples in the Hindi heartland, on whose call thousands of youngsters would jump in the street, died as a lonely man yet he cared less. He lived life on his own. The media might ignore him, the upper caste still hate him but the GO that he passed will remain unchanged as now the time of Dalit Bahujan has come and no power can deny them their rights. Only problem is brahmanical crookedness and the only way to stop is in the democratic structure and high personal integrity of the political class, which are claiming to represent us. VP was acceptable to all because of his high personal integrity and his reach to all political formation. For any future formations in the center VP’s Mantra of governance is an essential ingredient for survival.
VP Singh is no more. His detractors are laughing, as there is not much news in the media. There were a handful of his supporters when the body was being taken from his house in Delhi to airport . He was not in to party politics but the legacy that he developed is now in the power structures. Lalu, Nitish, Ramvilas, Sharad Yadav, Mulayam Singh all became power elite and did not feel shame in making alliance with BJP on the one hand and with the corrupt middlemen and corporate. VP did not heed to any middlemen and at the end remained alone painting and writing poetry. His did not have many friends and political parties, nor did his family has any stake in politics and therefore people might say that he met with his fate he deserve. But then V P Singh never cared for all this, he did what he liked and lived according to his convictions and ideals. Every decision of his had become milestone and remain ingrained in our constitution now hence whether we they like or not but the ghost of Singh will always haunts those upper castes in India who continue to believe themselves superior and meritorious.
Tuesday, July 01, 2008
Understanding legacy of Periyar through a Dalit Bahujan perspective
Review Article
Is deepening contradiction between Dalit-Bahujan brahmanical manipulations of information and ideas
By Vidya Bhushan Rawat
Periyar was one of the greatest revolutionaries of our times, though he has not been acknowledged because of particular political reasons. Periyar, father of Tamil nationalism today is under attack from not only the Brahmanical forces but ironically this time; the instrument which they have used is through Dalit writings. Before we move to Periyar and his legacy, it is important to analyse the politics of two Indian states which are important to understand the great vision of Periyar and legacy of Dalit-Bahujan movement in
Periyar was a revolutionary who felt that social empowerment and cultural changes should precede any political process. Unfortunately, his movement was thoroughly monopolized by those who had political ambition. In the name of social justice and anti Brahmanism, we saw another hegemony that ruled Tamilnadu. It was brutal without any ideological clarity. While it talked of injustice meted out to it by the upper castes, it still ignores the injustice done to Dalits. Is not it a shame that Tamilnadu’s powerful backward castes still not allow the Dalit Sarpanch to hoist the national flag? Is it not a shame that in many villages in Tamilnadu there is a virtual wall of separation between the upper castes and Dalits?
When Tamilnadu’s anti Brahmanism movement was failing to unite the OBCs and Dalits, similar things was happening in Uttar-Pradesh. Bahujan Samaj Party which claimed the slogan of Jiski Jitni Sankhya bhari, uskee utni bhagidari, suddenly took a Uturn and combined the Dalits and Brahmins together to build up a strong alliance. Not to content with the Brahmins, Mayawati is going ahead with wooing every upper castes including the Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and Kayasthas. Keeping their view and sentiments in mind, the UP Chief Minister banned a film named ‘Teesari Azadi’, a film which has caused much heart burn among the upper castes for its plain speaking of the Brahmanical notoriety. The media portrayed it as ‘Jaharili CD’ , a poisonous CD. Those who understand the history of the Dalit Bahujan literature will vouch that Teesari Azadi was what Dr Ambedkar, Periyar and Phule cautioned their people from being mislead by the upper castes. They did not preach hatred but they educated all of us to be vigilant against Brahmanical politics of manipulations and subjugations.
And when the political parties known for their opportunism were working hard to destablise the Dalit-Bahujan coming together and virtually succeeded in both Tamilnadu and Uttar-Pradesh due to enough room allowed by the politicians, there were enough numbers of ‘intellectuals’ also who decided to hit the legacy of the Bahujan movement and started a slanderous campaign against Periyar. Without going into whom they are and their ideology, I am perturbed to see that similarities are being written between Dalits and Brahmins and OBCs are made villain. There is no doubt about the fact that the many of the so-called OBCs would not have been in the list but for political reasons. These powerful communities never ever thought of their being OBCs but for political reasons of power and they are as ruthless against Dalits in the villages as any one else. Some time, these farming communities are more anti dalit because of Dalits fight for land rights and the agrarian communities are up in arm against any kind of land reform
Since, Periyar is still revered in Tamilnadu and Dalit Bahujan movement for his fearless ideas and contribution; it is time that those forces who are at work in Uttar-Pradesh, romanticizing and cementing an alliance of two unnatural allies, decided to question not only Periyar but his entire contribution. Some put him worst than Gandhi who did nothing for the Dalits. Do we remember Periyar for ‘doing’ something for some one or do we remember him for dismantling the Brahmanical citadels in the Dravida land. Periyar was basically a social reformists with potential ideas. Ideas can not be killed. You have to produce a better idea, a better vision in case you disagree with some one.
Suddenly, the backward communities became villain in this entire scheme of things and Brahmins and other upper caste became ‘polite’ allies of the Dalits and tragically this justification is not coming from the upper caste but from some of the Dalit and Brahmin writers. And therefore it is important that this suspicion and farce being created need to be cleaned and clarified. Periyar’s ideas might not have the sophistication of Baba Saheb Ambedkar but definitely they were potent enough to shake the Brahmin domination in Tamilnadu. The jolts of those ideas are still felt in Tamilnadu state. To clear the ideas of Periyar and his legacy, two intellectuals S.V.Rajadurai and V.Geetha came out with a collection of book : The Periyar century : Themes in Caste, Gender and Religion’ published by Bharatidasan University, Thiruchirapally, Tamlinadu. These articles are collections of article written by both the writers over a period of time when Tamilnadu was witnessing seer political opportunism by the parties claiming to have Periyar’s legacy. That Jayalalitha overtures to Hindutva were well known to be described here and Karnunanidhi’s shake hand with BJP was shocking.
We are not writing our own ideas and vision. May be because we lack it and therefore our energy is basically confined to replacing the community and person, to maintain our own hegemony and that happened every where, in Tamilnadu, in Uttar-Pradesh, in Maharastra and in Andhra Pradesh. So, the broader vision of a Dalit Bahujan is lost somewhere to the tainted glorification of a few individuals whose empowerment is made synonymous to community empowerment. Its tragic as it reflect our idea of social change is nothing but a replacement. We want to change one from our castes and we know little about ideologies. Hence Ambedkar and Periyar become caste icons and not who benefited every one. It is these multiple identities that threaten the very basis of Dalit movement. For me, it was a movement of a common Dalit identity where we revolt against the priestly vision a few ‘enlightened’ and talk of Bahujan. It gives me freedom to question even Gods. It believes in mutual respect and does not relegate our women to backyard just as any other religion has done. If we want to confine Dalit movement and Dalit identity to any other religion, then I am afraid, it will be just a replacement and we will not be able to face the revolt with in.
It is therefore important to understand what Periyar meant for and how and why his vision gets tainted and who are vilifying him today. In today’s broader context when one hegemony is being replaced by creation of another one, completely at contrast with what the forces of social justice stood for, particularly likes of Ambedkar and Periyar, none could have been more authentic than S.V.Rajadurai and V.Geetha. Though both of them are definitely gone deep into understanding Periyar’s movement and are in awe with him. However, these articles have been updated and reproduced from Economic and Political Weekly, Seminar and Dalit International Newsletter and therefore definitely well balanced and not a propaganda material as being written by the opponents of Periyar.
In her forceful analysis ‘Anti Caste Radicalism in Tamilnadu : Remembered moments for a receding past V.Geetha take us to the history of anti caste movement in Tamilnadu followed by a more detailed analysis by her and S.Rajadurai in ‘Dalit and non Brahmin consciousness in colonial Tamilnadu’, in which they explain in details how Tamilnadu’s much neglected Dalit icon ‘ Iyothee Thass Pandithar founded Chakya Buddhist Sangam and prior to that Dravida Mahajana Sangam in 1881. Hence much before Ambedkar converted to Buddhism, Iyothee Thass has subscribed to Buddhist philosophy for the Dalits and Adi Dravidas of Tamilnadu. Said Iyothee,’ Self government would only be possible when Brahmin cease to run away from the fear of seeing a pariah and when pariahs cease to chase away Brahmins and throw cow dung at them, when the latter enter the pariah quarters in the village and harmony prevails between the two and they come together as brothers and when the Buddha Dhama is realized.’ In fact Rajadurrai and Geetha through their readings argue that Iyothee Thass said that the pariahs were the original Tamils and their religion was Buddhism and it is the Aryans who degraded them and destroyed their religion.
The article ‘ Neo Brahminism : An International Fallacy’ is well timed and has exposed the theoreticians who are targeting the OBCs and cleverly terming Brahmins as ‘friends’ of Dalits. While for me, it would not be prudent to mention those writers who for the past few years have been writing continuously in the ‘mainstream’ media about the ‘anti-dalit’ views of Periyar, a response was needed both in terms of ideology and politics. While nobody condone the politics of the Dravidian parties who do not really have much love for the Dalits yet as far as ideology is concern, both Rajadurai and Geetha have explained through meticulous work that the Brahman cal forces are gunning to the OBCs through the backdoor of dalit ideologues.
In their analysis to various charges leveled against the OBCs, the authors point out , ‘ BC-SC relationships are marked by conflicts and contradictions. The liberation of SCs cannot be imagined within a circle of oppression that locks them into perpetual conflict and confrontation with the BCs. The oppression must be seen as deriving its strength and persistence from its articulation with the ruling and hegemonic ideology of Brahminism and unless the multiple mediations that structure BC arrogance and power are clearly mapped out, the liberation of SCs will proceed along paths that only lead to the Congress and now BJP ‘solution’ for the oppression of the SCs.’
I think this is a serious analysis and one must see it how BJP today is using the OBCs on the one side and also SCs on the other side. In Uttar-Pradesh, though there is no BJP but their philosophy in power which says upper castes and Dalits are brothers. While SC-BC fight is basically because of their common interest in land, the real land owners are enjoying everything. And rightfully explain the authors: No single BC can be said to have monopolized educational and employment opportunities in the state. While some castes such as the Nadars and Gounders have taken to lucrative trade and entrepreneurship, the BCs even if put together, do not come anywhere near controlling capital and financial matters in the state.’
To prove their point further, the author again quote Iyothee Thass that the principal contradiction of all the marginalized communities particularly the Dalits is Brahmanism,’ saying that an ideological struggle against Brahmins and Brahmanism was primary and necessary.’
Apart from his strong views against Brahmanism, Periyar’s writing on women are not only fascinating but revealing. In fact, I would call him far ahead of his time and a human right defender of women. He said that we need to create a social and cultural movement of revolt- against, caste, Brahmanism, religion and rule of men over women. His bold views might be termed feminists by many of current day analysts when he says that ‘motherhood in this sense was very obverse of female selfhood and had to be consciously rejected if women were to grow into reason, autonomy and dignity.’
One can not be remain fully agree how women had continuously been degraded and one of the thing was masculinity which Periyar felt was a concept and practice degraded women, refused their humanity and worse enslaved them.
Periyar was not just a political ideologue; his forte was his linkages with masses. He not only blamed Brahmanical system for all the evils related to caste in our society but also provided alternatives. His self respect marriages was one such progressive idea that helped change the marriage system a lot in Tamilnadu but today, as Geetha point out in her essay that when other movement took over Tamilnadu particularly anti Hindi Movement, the women’s issue was relegated to back seat. That always happened. All the ‘mainstream movement’ actually sideline women’s issue. And rightfully, Geetha conclude that ‘ the marginalization of woman question was complete as the movement gave itself up to the symbolic languages of nationalism, a nationalism that did not even attempt to its female subject.
While due sympathies with both the writers, it is obvious that nationalism for political purposes will always take you to deep hatred towards those subject who do not fill into the majorities ideological pursuits. And therefore even when Periyar opposed ‘Indian Nationalism or Hindu nationalism or Brahmanical Nationalism, he was mistaking it with a backward nationalism under the garb of ‘Dravidian Nationalism’ and the result is that in Tamilnadu the chasm between the backward communities and Dalits is very big. That the political parties were responsible for this marginalization cannot take away the faulty politics of the leaders of Dravidian politics. Periyar would have become an all India Icon like Ambedkar had he not decried every one living in the North as an Aryan. His anti Hindi agitation might organized the powerful OBC communities but it ultimately damaged the linkages of Tamil people with rest of
Having said that, Periyar would always remain one of the giants of Tamilnadu and for many of us who followed his social movement and politics he would remain as relevant as ever as brahmanical poison is increasing day by day and we need a clear stand against cultural subjugation it is bringing. Periyar is one ideologue and icon we can look at for our mental liberation. A liberation which is not possible if the OBCs are not able to understand the concept of Bahujan and see that the Dalits are their natural allies. So is the truth with the Dalit leadership that for a stronger
Many thanks to both S.V.Rajadurrai and V.Geetha for their wonderful work in bringing Periyar’s interesting writing to us, to understand the greatness of the man and his ideas.
Name of the Book: The Periyar Century: Themes in Caste, Gender and Religion,
Writers : S.V.Rajadurrai,
Publishers :
First edition: 2007
Price: 105
Pages: 320
Monday, May 05, 2008
An Ambedkarite artist challenges the brahmanical hegemony
Art as the form of political protest : A Dalit artist challenge brahmanical hegemony
By Vidya Bhushan Rawat
Every time Savi Savarkar wanted to exhibit his paintings at the Ravindra Bhawan at the Lalit Kala Academy, Delhi, the hidden agenda of the Hindutva ensured that he does not get space for his paintings. After many efforts he got permission to exhibit those wonderful paintings which are actually Ambedkar’s statements against brahmanical social order. As I write this, Savarakar’s paintings are in the last days of their exhibitions. When a friend suggested that we should go see Savarkar’s paintings at Ravindra Bhavan, the first thought that came in mind ( and that is our ignorance level about Dalit art) was Vir Savarkar. I felt, this friend was joking. May be Sangh Parivar has put some paintings but he confirmed to me about Savi Savarkar, a man from Maharastra and his wonderful work. Savi Savarkar fought many battle because of his caste and his paintings have challenged the brahmanical hegemony.
After visiting his painting exhibition, I remain spell bound and thank to our friend for opening me a new front of art. I am not an art critique yet always found that despite India’s art work were the creations of Dalit Bahujans, we never saw art as a mean of protest. Even when the Dalits created and constructed Indian art whether it is Madhubani paintings or elsewhere, they confined themselves with in the parameters of the brahmanical value system or their gods and goddesses. Art was mostly ‘godly’ which is actually unlikely of being a Dalit as God never really came for the rescue of Dalits particularly in India.
When one goes through those paintings in complete Ambedkarite thoughts, it gives us enough hope that Modern art will now have to cope with the fiercely competitive Dalit protests which were not there earlier. Brahmins have always been shown as pious, poor but honest in all our art form. But thankfully, the first time, one can see how notorious they look when you see the painting ‘ Brahmin and Ganga’, oil on canvass-2006. Its interesting how Savi has used the most famous sacred river Ganga being used by the Brahmins to uphold their traditions. And this is an important factor even today that for the growth of brahmancal values, they have used every form whether it is nature or now science.
In the past, artists have made Devdasi paintings for purely arts sake, appreciating their beauty, curves and hair but Savarkar paints many forms of Devdasis. He is not satisfied with terming them as woman but look beyond that. Devdasi’s are victim of the caste system. The way he has described and painted them exposing the cultural values and big mutths which had Devdasis is worthy of mentioning here.
Artists always involved in not only introspections but also expertise themselves with comparative studies. One of the sketches made in 2002 named as Fish and Blue Face are a comparative study of Chippas tribal in Mexico with that of the Dalits in India. Both says Savarkar, work hard and are mentally strong, despite the fact that their bodies are overburdened with work and to him that the hands and legs work but body disappear.
Narrating an event which forced him to make ‘ Woman out of woman’, Savarkar says how he got frustrated when he saw the life experience of Joginis. He felt helpless that time. How paradoxical it is that Brahmin have sex with Devdasis but bring his own water to drink. Can there be any other system which is hippocratic, racist and abusive in nature?
Says Savi, when Devdasis come to the street even there the people make her pregnant. It is a story which can make any ‘thinking’ person mad and frustrated. And that has reflected in the paintings where the naked face of Brahminism is exposed.
There are so many paintings and for an art lover they are a complete treat to observe. For a lay person like me, it is the intensity which is attractive. The colors that he chose to depict and the face of the Brahmanism which is not only intrusive but also intimidating are the real protests.
In fact, Gujarat-2002 was a blot on the face of democracy. Artists were against the communal carnage. We saw many exhibitions at the secular platform decrying the goons of Hindutva and lamenting on the decline of our ‘golden’ past. The Hindutva goons also attacked exhibitions of M.F. Hussain, who they claimed to denigrate the Hindu gods and goddesses. What makes Savi Savarkar different from others is his unambiguous war against Brahmanism. He portrays Gujarat carnage not exactly in terms of RSS verses the Muslims but in terms of Brahmanical intimidations and farce. Savi saw the majority of Muslims being attacked as hailing the Dalit community and hence the bias against them was more than being against an ordinary Muslim. Thus, his paintings have exposed that Gujarat violence was not just a communal carnage unleashed by the Sangh Parivar and their different offshoots but the brahmanical intimidations and annihilation of the Dalits and people like them. The most important factor of Savi’s artistic expression is expose of an order build and developed by Manu that degraded men not on the basis of their castes but also gender. And therefore, as an artist, he has not confined himself to the issue of caste violence but has shown more concern on the condition of women. He makes it clear how women are victim of caste prejudices, patriarchical system and religious values. Not only this, he is able to show how during the so-called communal violence in Gujarat, it is the women who face the victimization from the forces of the brahmanical social order.
It’s very rare to find such political statement through art. Savi Savarkar is going to exhibit his paintings in Paris soon. But before he could do that, all those who value art as freedom of expression and choice must support his cause. After much financial hardship Savi Savarkar was able to exhibit his works at the Ravindar Bhavan. All those who value art and feel that art has a political statement against brahmanical values and bramindom must survive and grow, should visit Savi’s exhibition and support the cause. One hope that you would be able to see this extraordinary man’s passion for the civilized society as demonstrated in Dr Ambedkar’s writing. It is therefore refreshing to see that art which had been a domain of brahmanical values, has now found Ambedkarite protest in the form of Savi’s imagination and expressions. And one must appreciate his work for that. One hope that many more artists from Dalit-Bahujan communities would learn and adopt this form of art against the brahmanical value system and hopefully they would be able to project and portray the real face of Dalit vision, which means freedom of expression, freedom of choice and a society based on equality of human being without any prejudice against women.
Savi’s work would be there at Ravindra Bhavan, Lalit Kala Academy till May 8th, 2008. Those of you who wish to know more about his work can visit his website at www.savisawarkar.arttimes.in and he can be contacted at savisawarkar@yahoo.com