Democracy : by the poor for the 'bigger'

A no confidence in current form of Parliamentary democracy


Vidya Bhushan Rawat

There have always been debates on which is the right form of governance for India: a presidential form of government or Parliamentary system adopted from the British. It is not that only two forms of governance are found world over and whatever be the constitutional provisions, in the end, it is the people, who are responsible make or unmake a system. Unfortunately, a society like India and when I say India, I include all in the South Asian region, is feudal and undemocratic in nature. Hence, how is it possible, that undemocratic people could make democracy successful? This question needs to be investigated and ponder over.

Dr Ambedkar when pressed for separate electorate for the depressed classes, feared that in the Parliamentary form of government, the voices of dissent would always be decried. It is a majority vote but majority can not always be right. Secondly, he feared that those who will represent the oppressed community might not be the ‘well-wishers’ of the community as they will be more bothered about getting votes of other communities, particularly if they are fighting from so called reserve constituencies, their worry would be more on focusing on other communities rather than their own. This will only create a leadership which would be corrupt and could easily be co-opted. Hence there was upper caste leadership of a majority of parties giving the Dalits ‘symbolic’ presence in their parties. Babu Jagjivan Ram and Dev Raj Urs were exception and immensely talented and committed politicians who rose to those heights despite all odds. However, they did not challenge the brahmanical supremacy and were part of parliamentary set up. Tamilnadu was the perhaps the only state where this ideological challenge to brahmanical system was open and in a more crude fashion.

It happened till 1990 before the wave of the Mandalisation process changed the political set up in the country and our parliament saw a virtual change in its demography as it was the dominance of Dalit Bahujan in the apex body of decision making. A new set of chief ministers and regional kshatraps took over the leadership who were more autonomous and blunt in their attitude and never really depended on the mercy of a power centre. We had likes of Ram Vilas Paswan and Sharad Yadav who were rising high while Mulayam Singh Yadav, Lalu Yadav and others were ruling the state. Even in the Hindutva party of BJP, Kalyan Singh and others were enjoying their new found prominence. But one man was not in this entire scheme of things. Far away from the power brokers, he was silently making a revoluation in the villages and towns of India, waking the Dalits and spreading Ambedkarite perception. His name was Kanshi Ram. The Bahujan Samaj Party, that he formed actually could not succeed during his life time and remained confined to Uttar-Pradesh at large despite brave efforts to spread in states like Punjab and Madhya Pradesh. And he gave representation to those people who could never have even imagined to become even village Pradhan. It was a complete change from vote hamara raj tumhara to vote hamara raj bhee hamara philosophy. It changed the politics of Uttar-Pradesh so strongly that the brahmanical manipulators worked overnight to deconstruct the phenomena and break the multi caste alliance in Uttar-Pradesh. Ambition, egos created hurdles to further the cause of Dalit bahujans and the result is the reversal of strategies of two main political outfits from UP, mainly the SP and BSP. Both today target the upper castes who are enjoying this immense display of ‘affection’ from the Dalit Bahujans, as if they were dying for it from centuries.

The slogan of Dalit Bahujan grew up and we felt that leaders would do justice to their people. Instead they became Supremos and the distance from the party men and common man grew larger. We have more vehicles, armed commandos and power brokers surrounding them. These power brokers switch their loyalties according to those in power and their character was reflected very much during the no confidence vote in Parliament on July 22nd. But before that whatever happened not only shames us as Indian but will force us to think of whether we should really be proud of this democracy which is license to legtimise the illegitimate.

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh smiled and the devotees of the high command danced in the street that their party has won the vote of confidence so that they can go further their grand international agenda, which once upon a time was the desire of saffron party.
The Hindutva party was talking of corruption that allegedly ‘purchased’ some of their MPs. The discussion was on nuclear deal which was an important issue as it will have long term impact on our foreign policy issue as well as internal maters. Unfortunately, it became a war between Mr Mulayam Singh Yadav, his loud mouth deputy Amar Singh and Behenjee who came from Lucknow to ‘take over’ Delhi. And in this entire exercise whatever happened would make us ponder things whether this form of representative government and parties really help us or we are just happy that some one from us is ruling the country. The question remains whether the some one from us will remain some one from us or some one from them. That is the question.

The question I am raising is a bigger one. And it is not that we became worried by seeing a few member of parliament showing the displaying one crore rupees in parliament. That too is an issue but from the point of view of the Dalit Bahujan perspective, and what Ambedkar had perceived when he questioned the governance and sought protection and participation of the Dalits in the social set up.

Let us first come to what Ambedkar said about Indian democracy in an interview to Voice of America on May 20th, 1956. He asks this question whether there is a democracy in India and he says: ‘Democracy is quite different from a Republic as well as from parliamentary Government. The roots of democracy lie not in the form of Government, Parliamentary or otherwise. A democracy is more than a form of government. It is primarily a mode of associated living. The roots of democracy are to be searched in the social relationship, in the terms of associated life between people who form a society.’

What Ambedkar envisage and terms ideal are completely contrast to our political parties who are out and out there to hail their caste. As a Thakur MP of the BJP, Brij Bhushan Sharan Singh switched his loyalty to Samajwadi Party, another one, Amar Singh said that he is a Kshatriya and never afraid of any one, he speak the truth, as if it is only his trait and all other communities are liars. But what Amar Singh was speaking was a deliberate attempt to create confusion and chaos in Uttar-Pradesh. With Dalits solidly behind Mayawati, Mulyam has to give a call for other communities to rally behind him. The problem in Uttar-Pradesh is not just caste identities but now sub stratification which is refusing to bring different Dalit communities together. Also there are many marginalized MBCs who need to be there are simply out. Hence the political mobilization in Uttar-Pradesh based on sub caste is becoming a self defeating exercise and will have wider consequences. Problem with identity and assertion is that they end up in creating a male dominance and a culture of hatred. Here Mayawati is definitely an exception. When the time was to sit together and discuss the issues, so much disbelief is bound to threaten the very cause of an egalitarian society which could be termed as democratic as Ambedkar perceived.


And to further his cause he points out: “The Indian society does not consist of individuals. It consists of innumerable collection of castes, which are exclusive in their life and have no common experience to share and have no bond of sympathy. The existence of caste system is a standing denial of the existence of those ideals of society and therefore of democracy. An Indian cannot eat or marry with an Indian simply because he or she does not belong to his or her caste. An Indian simply can not touch an Indian because he or she does belong to his or her caste.” Ambedkar questions the political system and how Congress party field its candidate and how they are selected carefully on the basis of their caste. Ambedkar says : “How does an Indian vote in an election? He votes for a candidate who belongs to his own caste and no other Further he considers caste system as a bane to democracy. ‘ Castes are not equal in their status. They are standing one above another. They are jealous of one another. It is an ascending scale of hatred and descending scale of contempt. The feature of caste system has most pernicious consequences. It destroys willing and helpful cooperation.”

Then formation of politics based on caste identities is relegating the basic issues and killing the individual concerns. Hence to come to power and attract more people, you just refuse to listen to your own people. While there is no doubt that Mayawati and BSP has got full support from her community in particular, the fact is that it is suffering in silence also. The prime ministerial posts, corporations etc are under the control of the bhudevtas. The same thing happened with Mulayam Singh Yadav who in technical terms should have been a friend of Dalits but unfortunately can not be given his track record, still being a farmer, his all efforts were to ignore Yadavas and attract the other communities. So, to remain at the top, the leaders are killing their second generation leaders. They do not get importance. Even when RSS made BJP, were the corporate honchos who were sitting with the party bosses in power. What I mean is that biggest fault of Indian democracy is its hypocrisy. Of course, like many, I too say that a bad democracy is better than any military dictatorship or a theocratic state yet if after fifty years of democracy, we have not been able to give justice to our communities.

Today, BSP is in power in Uttar-Pradesh. We all are happy and should rightly be so but what is the cost. You have got more than 65 Brahmins elected as MLAs and another 64 upper castes who had become redundant after the Mandalisation process particularly in politics. But today, they are the most sought after leaders. How can a villager, who has been exploited by these gangs, vote to same people, and simply because he has power to capture vote and the party has fielded him. Why are we denying individual his or her right to select people according her choice? Why can not we question their basic qualities? Why our leadership wants people to remain ignorant and worship them which Baba Saheb said would be damaging to the society as a whole. It is not that the Brahmins do not worship. They worship but then why should we follow their damn culture which has destroyed our culture and value system which was still much better and open in nature where individual had freedom to enjoy and life live of his own. Kanshiram’s slogan was virtually made redundant with the old philosophy of ‘vote huamara, top hamara baki tumahara. and this baki tumhara has created a lot of disquiet at the lower level as mafias, petrol pump owners, liquor mafias are the leader of the party but people still do not complain because those who have suffered for years, are waiting to see their leader in the position of the prime minister but whether it can change their fate or not does not matter.

Many of you saw the vote on the confidence Motion in Parliament. We heard speeches and found how politicians were organizing the press meets and happily claiming victory. A new alliance has been formed with BSP, left parties and other groups. One hope that the alliance will remain a long term friendship and will not disappear because change of commercial interest and political ambition of our leaders. In this age when politicians dine with you, sleep with enemy in the evening, come back to you for breakfast and vote on the motion once he is confirmed the deal as event showed, then we have to seriously think what exactly is empowerment of the community. Communities empowered through political process but unfortunately that has become highly apolitical. When left parties withdrew the support and Samajwadi Party decided to support the government, it was Amar Singh all the way on our television channel. Rajdeep Sardesai wrote an article how ideologies have become redundant and that the left has now become new ‘untouchable’. While, I have no love for CPM and its allies particularly not just because of Nandigram and Singur but because of the prevailing violence and discrimination against Dalits in West Bengal particularly against the immigrants scavengers in Howarah and Kolkata, one need to compliment them on the issue of nuclear deal, at least they were not party to government’s whims and fancies. They did not withdraw the support but were forced to do so. But question is different now. We have a UNPA and now Ajit Singh, Deve Gowda and Chandra Babu Naidu have expressed opinion that Mayawati is their ‘leader’. Actually, it does not mean that the upper caste supporters of these political parties will stop violence against Dalits. An alliance based on conviction is natural and long term but if it is on the basis of compulsion for survival then it would be damaging and defeat the purpose. All of them know the importance of Dalit votes in their states and want to have it at any cost. Despite their own parties virtually decimated in the states for their anti poor performances, they still feel to grab the chair in Delhi one day.

We might call it a strategy to reach the large segment or give it whatever name, it does not make any sense as long as the people who are victim remain the same as well those victimizing remain the same. If upper cast leadership used the Dalits for their purposes, the upper castes today are using Dalit Bahujan leadership for their own purposes. And that too when they are big mafias, who exploit our people, kill innocent lives and enjoy their freedom.

Yes, the most astonishing factor of the vote on the confidence motion was the MPs in the jail came voting. Facing with different charges, they were smiling and giving great sound bytes to television cameras. They never considered them criminal as ‘charges’ have to be proved in the court and nobody has power to do so. Not even state. During her previous tenure Mayawati taught Raja Bhaiya a lesson but her fight against corruption and mafias remain a matter of convenience as she targeted them according to their loyalty. Today, one man who joined BSP on the motion, was Atiq Ahmed, a member who won on Samajwadi Party ticket from Phoolpur constituency in Allahabad. Known for his ‘power’ in Allahabad region, Ahmed had allegedly been responsible for killing of a dynamic young Dalit leader Raju Pal from his own constituency. Raju Pal was an MLA. He was killed by the goons during the broad day light. Lot happened afterwards. As soon as Mayawati came to power, the police filed charges against Atik Ahmed and an Allahabad court issued non bailable warrant against him terming him as proclaimed offender. His property was attached and both he and chief minister Mayawati claimed that they face threat from each other. Interestingly Atiq Ahmed was arrested by Delhi police in August last year and then handed over to UP police. Though, Raju Pal’s widow Pooja Pal has won the Allahabad (West) seat, the question is how long will we compromise with those who are responsible to hit at our people at the ground, in the villages and small towns.

Hence, when somebody says that politics today has become non political, it reflect the grave reality. It has become a tool to legitimize everything that is anti people. Whether the criminals or other corporate interest, the common man, the committed activists remain frustrated. Where are the leaders with a vision and with pain and anguish of the community? We all feel proud of any one who is from one among us, if he or she reaches the height. It enlightens us, it gives us hope but when such situation comes, one wonder how is democracy functioning. In this democracy the biggest faith comes from the Dalits. It is they who votes in the largest number and elect our representative, but it is they who are betrayed. They elect leaders who later sale themselves and openly admit of bargaining and not for their community but for themselves and for children. They feel ‘our happiness is communities happiness and not the vice versa’.

Ambedkar had never envisaged this society. He talked of a Prabudha Bharat, an enlightened India. When we embrace his ideals we leave behind all those destructive and divisive brahmanical values which degrade us. Ambedkar, a man of dignity and modernity is again reminding us to create rebels who could question the injustice being done to them but also question. It is time to revisit the Poona Pact, and ponder over the warning what Baba Saheb had given to us, the ideals that he stood for and where do we stand. The perils of Parliamentary democracy were well-known to Baba Saheb and that is why he talked of separate electorate so that a responsible leadership is elected from the Dalit communities which do not succumb to upper caste lies and mischief. He was blackmailed to sign the Poona Pact and the rest is history. Baba Saheb himself became the first victim of the joint electorate system and could come to Lok Sabha from Bengal only. Though, some may feel this debate as outdated but given wide discontent in different communities which are still unrepresented in our system, is not it a time to ask for a responsible and accountable representation which could be proportionate to their numbers. Democracy can not go on become the mistress of corporate and mafias and doing all anti people things. It will have to rediscover it so that people do not have no confidence in the system itself. Prime Minister may feel happy but every right thinking person feel betrayed on the way things are moving. Before it reach cynical condition, its time to think over it and initiate a process.

Caste and Prejudices

Debrahmanise the Education’s holy cows

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat


Let me start this article with complimenting young Anoop Kumar, who has brought out a crude reality, the mess created by the caste prejudices in our educational institutions particularly those of higher learning. Anoop Kumar’s report on the conditions prevailing in Indian Institute of Technology, Delhi, particularly in their treatment to Dalit students is actually not new. Those of us, who have been interacting with the Dalit students know well how these institutions are the domain of the brahmanical elites of India. We know how similar reports about IIT Powai also came out last year but passed as unimportant. Anoop Kumar need compliments for his work as it was timely and has helped highlight the issue of discrimination against Dalits at various level, particularly now at the centers of learning as Dalits are now challenging the brahmanical elite in their own caves.

Prior to the IIT’s discriminatory attitude, we had seen the prevailing conditions in AIIMS, India’s premier medical institutions which I renamed as All India Institute of Manuwadi Studies, as the students there were not really interested in learning and treating the patients but involved in controlling the institution. And one wonder why the Thorat
Committee report is pushed under the carpet which investigated the entire case of harassment of Dalit students in AIIMS. The way the anti reservation stir was created and publicized in the media shows how far the brahmanical mindset can go in denying the Dalits and other marginalized communities their constitutional guarantee as they rightly feel that once these institutions are debrahamnised, the hegemony of a particular caste will crumble and that is why such resistance against reservation.

It is also time to ponder as how just a few hours ago, the brahmanical friends of Dalits have been citing examples of the OBCs as being the real enemy of Dalits. Now time to think, whether, India’s elite institutions really have been debrahmanised. The Shudra slaves of the brahmanical system might be a cause of concern for the Dalits in the rural India but the fact of the matter is that they are no where in the institution of higher education and elsewhere to discriminate against Dalits. In these institutions of knowledge live the ‘soul’ of brahmanical order and they will go out and out to resist any changes in the structure in them.

Hence, it is time to take of their activities, expose their caste prejudices and use all methods that we have to debrahmanise them. These institutions dominated by the modern day Dronacharyas are a blot to civilization and time has come to make our final assault on them otherwise, they would never allow this to happen. They will use courts, media and even our political parties which want to look ‘modern’ and ‘progressive’ and are ‘interested’ in helping the ‘upper caste’ ‘poor’ students also. What should we do ? Expose them, unite all the oppress communities as hatred against them is common, push the agenda internationally also, send the reports to all international bodies like EU, American Congress, British Parliament and human rights bodies. Many nationalists would object to this, but definitely for us, when the media become a party to this whole
Nexus, it is important to make international community aware of such practices which still exist in India.

The games of brahmanical deception are bigger. They come through fake certificates in the name of Dalits to anything under the sun. that’s why transparency international finds India one of the most corrupt countries. Hence any one who is getting benefit under the quota for Dalits may not even be originally a Dalit. The case against an upper caste doctor in Delhi is still going whose ‘parents’ got him ‘adopted’ by his ‘Dalit’ servant. He did not know the game and signed things long back. So the upper castes are ready to become anything to get access to these institutions.

Even when the reservation never had an economic criteria and no body ever ask that the general seats should be filled with the poor students because the entire anti reservation debate is not based on merit but on total hatred and prejudice. It is an attempt to block the entry of Dalits into these institutions. If they enter by dint of their work, then they will be targeted.

About a year ago, our friend from United States send a general mail about a ‘poor’ Dalit
Student being kidnapped and kept as bonded in Badarpur area of Delhi. The mailer wrote a note that all the Dalits should help this guy from the clutches of the brahmanical forces. It was mentioned that this poor Dalit boy had done his MCA from Banarse Hindu University (BHU). The story goes like this that Mahesh hailed from a landless family near Faizabad. He had to take loan from some Vishwakarma ( MBC) for his education. Unfortunately, at the time of his final examination, his father fell ill and he had to further take the loan. Vishwkarma paid him the money but in lieu of it, he took the original certificate of this boy. When Manoj did not pay money, this man sold him to some truck driver in Delhi and since then he has been working as a bonded cleaner in the truck.

The contact number of this case was given. Out of sincerity, I decided to follow up the case by checking with a number of friends in Delhi. Since there was not much of information available about the person, I called Sanjay Chaudhury, our friend in Banglore, who was actually a friend of Manoj. Afterward, Sanjay became a dear friend. In him, I found a person really concerned about his fellow student friend. We both, kept in touch on phone and every day there was a new story coming up. Sanjay was passing me the vehicle numbers and I was becoming made contacting a few friends in the UP Police to find out. Sanjay too gave the details to a big legal luminary in Delhi who passed the information to UP’s police chief Vikram Singh. The police started calling me about it but they were too disturbed that every information that Sanjay or I was giving to them was turning out to be fake. For us this was a bad situation.

One day, I decided to put this information to some Dalit friends of BHU. I thought, it would be better to check with them the antecedent of Manoj and how come a person who has done his MCA, can be held like a mouse by a truck driver. All those police officers, I spoke to, actually felt that this person is absolutely of a brahmanical mindset, a slave. Our friend in BHU informed that Manoj was a very simple person but never really participated in Dalit programme. Ofcourse, the Dalit students used to collect funds for him to pay his fees because he was not in a condition to do so. I asked my friend Deepak Gautam, who is doing Ph.D. from BHU to investigate it separately. Let the police do the work, but let us also find out the details of this person, who he is and where he hails. In between Sanjay informed me that Manoj is not wanting the case to be pursued. I felt bad that for the past five six months, we had really felt disturbed because of his case, calling to different officials in UP, MP, Delhi and Chhatisgarh for help and this person has been telling us different stories and now he does not want us to follow. Something came up in my mind and I spoke to Deepak to go the Computer science Department and find out the details, the family of this boy. While the police was raiding different places and found that this person does not exist and all the addresses he has been giving us were fake. Our condition was becoming more embarrassing. Just when things were getting out of hand, Deepak informed me shocking news. ‘ Sir, Manoj was not a Dalit student, he was actually Manoj Pandey, and has betrayed us. For us the case was closed. I was keen the BHU Dalit student group file a case against him for forgery but nothing seemed to move.

The point I am mentioning here is how the Brahmins are ready to become Dalits, use their money and romanticize their poverty. Deepak informed me that University was not keen to pursue the case. Why will the university pursue a case against a Brahmin boy who has through forgery not only cheated the constitution but cheated the friendship of a number of his friends?

But the same facility is not available to the Dalits. Abhishek Priya Anand was a bright student pursuing a specialized course of Ph.D from National Law College, Raipur. A bright science student, Abhishek joined the university by dint of his merit and not through a quota. He completed his M.Phil on time. A change in the vice chancellor of the University changed his fortunes. The new vice chancellor, a shameless upper caste, never felt that he would be destroying the life of a bright student. He told Abhishek that the courses that he had applied for are not available in the University. Abhishek’s scholarship was also stopped. He complained to National Human Rights Commission. I filed the petition in the Commission but except for sending a show cause notice to the state, the Commission does not even know whether it has got the answer or not. These so-called autonomous bodies mean nothing for people who want justice. How long would a young boy wait for it. Today,. IIT’s students do not come out in open because they know that the teachers have the capacity to destroy their career. These modern day Dronacharyas want Eklavyas and modern day Dalit is not ready to follow the ideals of Eklavya. They are asking for their rights and share. The national institutions of repute could not save Abhishek. His vice chancellor threw him from the hostel for his blasphemous act of contacting the NHRC. Now, we talk so much but rarely find time for our fellow brothers. The person who fights the first hand knows it well that it is a difficult battle ahead. Abhishek dream of pursuing a Ph.D. lay shattered but then he is a dynamic boy and is pursing his dream from somewhere else. But not every one could be Abhishek. The family background of the youngsters shows that they can not wait for long. Parents want their children to send them money. They might not even know that their son or daughters pass through such a horrific test of life in these brahmanical institutions.


At every level there are such people who are out to harass the bright Dalit students. In 2001-2002, a bright young Engineer Jyoti Prakash Bishwas was harassed by his Bengali bosses on various charges in the PDIL Noida. Jyoti’s fault was that he was a bright engineer and could compete with any one outside the government. First, the officer charged him for dereliction of duty, simply because he responded to a caste remark made by the officer. Jyoti’s wife was a government teacher in Kolkata and precedence says that he should have been transferred there. Her medical expenses were rejected. Jyoti studied in the Rama Krishana Mission School in Kolkata so was still influenced by the Brahmanical values that time. He was tall and handsome and had never realized that he belong to ‘reserve’ category. After the harassment, he decided to quit the job and was getting offer in big multi national companies. The Brahmin bosses of Jyoti did not even allow him to resign. They were simply not pushing his application forward. Jyoti was a harassed person. I tried to help him out by investigating the matter through PUCL Delhi and submitting a report to NHRC and SC-ST Commission but nothing materialized. These commission can raise the political issues but when the life of a common person particularly a Dalit is concern, their officials behave according their castes.

Jyoti left Delhi. He decided to leave the job. We lost touch. He felt that these so called autonomous bodies are nothing but sham. The SC commission wanted a compromise because the connections of the higher up. He was frustrated man. But he still remembered me and used to send me greetings every year. One fine morning in 2004, I got a mail from him that He is happy with his children and wish me a happy new year. The most important point he mentioned was that he was going to Umra ( Haj), as he embraced Islam and became Abdur Rehman Vishwas. He was blunt that Indian institutions can not help the Dalits and their dignity whether we feel proud of our political class and political empowerment.


While One might not subscribe to the solution Jyoti offered in form of embracing Islam as it is entirely individual choices similarly as Baba Saheb embraced Buddhism, but Jyoti’s revolt against the system reflect he mindset prevailing over in our great institutions about the entire issue of representation of Dalits in our colleges, institutions and elsewhere. The teachers behave like defender of their caste, taking moral high grounds.

The institutions of higher learning are in control of this brahmanical elite and the religious rights of all variety are targeting Dalit and Adivasi children in to their educational system. Hence you find these Saraswati Shishu Mandirs in the rural areas. What is the attempt ? It is to catch you in the childhood and control the revolutionary spirit of a Dalit mind by pushing you to religion and religious practices. And that was the problem with religiousity as it converts you to nothing. Dalits battle for dignity is much bigger battle than a mere political one. It is the rejection of the murky world of brahmanical values which remain full of hatred, deception and betrayal. The war is multifaceted and can not be fought with corrupt political class which has been co-opted.

After the Mandal recommendation got implemented, a large number of Dalits and OBC students are qualifying there without using the quota but the UPSC is still pushing them in to quota bracket and therefore denying the others a right to enter. It is the fear of this elite that has made them respond like this. Initially they were blaming the Dalit Bahujan that these people lack merit, they can not compete with others but now when the students are topping the exams and entering into their domain through the merit defined by the brahmanical system itself, then they are bracketed into the OBC or Dalit category.

These unfortunately are the realities of Indian institutions. We have to get angry and ask questions. The power people of the Dalit community should unite and think of their own institutions in the similar terms of Christians and Muslims, to develop parallel institutions of excellence as Ambedkar tried in his last days, by sending Dalit scholars abroad and by starting educational institutions and libraries for Dalits in India itself. But then Ambedkar remained thoroughly committed to society and a man intellectually capable to hit the back bone if Brahmanism. Can we expect our friends to rise up the occasion and think on these lines? Debrahmanising the educational institutions is a must and for that Dalit not only should have alternative institutions so that their youngsters do not live in suffocation in these so called higher institutions, which actually are killing them inside, and making them lamb to be easily eaten by the power brokers and bhudevtas.

Understanding legacy of Periyar through a Dalit Bahujan perspective

Review Article

Is deepening contradiction between Dalit-Bahujan brahmanical manipulations of information and ideas

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat

Periyar was one of the greatest revolutionaries of our times, though he has not been acknowledged because of particular political reasons. Periyar, father of Tamil nationalism today is under attack from not only the Brahmanical forces but ironically this time; the instrument which they have used is through Dalit writings. Before we move to Periyar and his legacy, it is important to analyse the politics of two Indian states which are important to understand the great vision of Periyar and legacy of Dalit-Bahujan movement in India. Yes, Tamilnadu and Uttar-Pradesh, two very important states, one a Dravidian land as claimed by Periyar and the other the holy land of Aryavrat where government once did not bow to protesters demand for not allowing the statue of Periyar to be build. Though it looks ironic that Periyar who was an iconoclast could be turned into a demi God by his so-called followers.

Take the case of Uttar-Pradesh which today is being run by Ms Mayawati, the supremo of Bahujan Samaj Party, which once upon a time put the statue of Periyar in Lucknow despite all protests from the alliance Bharatiya Janata Party. Today, the irony is that Periyar’s name has again become an anathema for those in power in UP since the Brahmins objected to his writings and ‘Sachchi Ramayan’ is prohibited in the state. Those who want Taslima Nasreen to write everything about Islam, are afraid of the writings of a person which are already available in other parts of the country. Similarly in the Dravida land of Tamilnadu, politicians always used his legacy for their political gains. Periyar, who was ruthless as far as Brahmanism was concerned, was mocked by his own legatees who felt no shame in compromising with the Hindutva political groups. And Periyar’s revolutionary ideas were just converted to political rhetoric of monopolizing the state institutions in the name of social justice. The result is that the Adi Dravidas of Tamilnadu who need social justice and inclusion in the ‘national’ life of Tamilnadu feel betrayed and suddenly some of their leaders have got a common cause with Brahmins in degrading Periyar. How can Periyar be faulted for the follies of his so-called followers. How can Ambedkar be blamed if his caste man makes him their own copy write product.

Periyar was a revolutionary who felt that social empowerment and cultural changes should precede any political process. Unfortunately, his movement was thoroughly monopolized by those who had political ambition. In the name of social justice and anti Brahmanism, we saw another hegemony that ruled Tamilnadu. It was brutal without any ideological clarity. While it talked of injustice meted out to it by the upper castes, it still ignores the injustice done to Dalits. Is not it a shame that Tamilnadu’s powerful backward castes still not allow the Dalit Sarpanch to hoist the national flag? Is it not a shame that in many villages in Tamilnadu there is a virtual wall of separation between the upper castes and Dalits?

When Tamilnadu’s anti Brahmanism movement was failing to unite the OBCs and Dalits, similar things was happening in Uttar-Pradesh. Bahujan Samaj Party which claimed the slogan of Jiski Jitni Sankhya bhari, uskee utni bhagidari, suddenly took a Uturn and combined the Dalits and Brahmins together to build up a strong alliance. Not to content with the Brahmins, Mayawati is going ahead with wooing every upper castes including the Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and Kayasthas. Keeping their view and sentiments in mind, the UP Chief Minister banned a film named ‘Teesari Azadi’, a film which has caused much heart burn among the upper castes for its plain speaking of the Brahmanical notoriety. The media portrayed it as ‘Jaharili CD’ , a poisonous CD. Those who understand the history of the Dalit Bahujan literature will vouch that Teesari Azadi was what Dr Ambedkar, Periyar and Phule cautioned their people from being mislead by the upper castes. They did not preach hatred but they educated all of us to be vigilant against Brahmanical politics of manipulations and subjugations.

And when the political parties known for their opportunism were working hard to destablise the Dalit-Bahujan coming together and virtually succeeded in both Tamilnadu and Uttar-Pradesh due to enough room allowed by the politicians, there were enough numbers of ‘intellectuals’ also who decided to hit the legacy of the Bahujan movement and started a slanderous campaign against Periyar. Without going into whom they are and their ideology, I am perturbed to see that similarities are being written between Dalits and Brahmins and OBCs are made villain. There is no doubt about the fact that the many of the so-called OBCs would not have been in the list but for political reasons. These powerful communities never ever thought of their being OBCs but for political reasons of power and they are as ruthless against Dalits in the villages as any one else. Some time, these farming communities are more anti dalit because of Dalits fight for land rights and the agrarian communities are up in arm against any kind of land reform

Since, Periyar is still revered in Tamilnadu and Dalit Bahujan movement for his fearless ideas and contribution; it is time that those forces who are at work in Uttar-Pradesh, romanticizing and cementing an alliance of two unnatural allies, decided to question not only Periyar but his entire contribution. Some put him worst than Gandhi who did nothing for the Dalits. Do we remember Periyar for ‘doing’ something for some one or do we remember him for dismantling the Brahmanical citadels in the Dravida land. Periyar was basically a social reformists with potential ideas. Ideas can not be killed. You have to produce a better idea, a better vision in case you disagree with some one.

Suddenly, the backward communities became villain in this entire scheme of things and Brahmins and other upper caste became ‘polite’ allies of the Dalits and tragically this justification is not coming from the upper caste but from some of the Dalit and Brahmin writers. And therefore it is important that this suspicion and farce being created need to be cleaned and clarified. Periyar’s ideas might not have the sophistication of Baba Saheb Ambedkar but definitely they were potent enough to shake the Brahmin domination in Tamilnadu. The jolts of those ideas are still felt in Tamilnadu state. To clear the ideas of Periyar and his legacy, two intellectuals S.V.Rajadurai and V.Geetha came out with a collection of book : The Periyar century : Themes in Caste, Gender and Religion’ published by Bharatidasan University, Thiruchirapally, Tamlinadu. These articles are collections of article written by both the writers over a period of time when Tamilnadu was witnessing seer political opportunism by the parties claiming to have Periyar’s legacy. That Jayalalitha overtures to Hindutva were well known to be described here and Karnunanidhi’s shake hand with BJP was shocking.

We are not writing our own ideas and vision. May be because we lack it and therefore our energy is basically confined to replacing the community and person, to maintain our own hegemony and that happened every where, in Tamilnadu, in Uttar-Pradesh, in Maharastra and in Andhra Pradesh. So, the broader vision of a Dalit Bahujan is lost somewhere to the tainted glorification of a few individuals whose empowerment is made synonymous to community empowerment. Its tragic as it reflect our idea of social change is nothing but a replacement. We want to change one from our castes and we know little about ideologies. Hence Ambedkar and Periyar become caste icons and not who benefited every one. It is these multiple identities that threaten the very basis of Dalit movement. For me, it was a movement of a common Dalit identity where we revolt against the priestly vision a few ‘enlightened’ and talk of Bahujan. It gives me freedom to question even Gods. It believes in mutual respect and does not relegate our women to backyard just as any other religion has done. If we want to confine Dalit movement and Dalit identity to any other religion, then I am afraid, it will be just a replacement and we will not be able to face the revolt with in.

It is therefore important to understand what Periyar meant for and how and why his vision gets tainted and who are vilifying him today. In today’s broader context when one hegemony is being replaced by creation of another one, completely at contrast with what the forces of social justice stood for, particularly likes of Ambedkar and Periyar, none could have been more authentic than S.V.Rajadurai and V.Geetha. Though both of them are definitely gone deep into understanding Periyar’s movement and are in awe with him. However, these articles have been updated and reproduced from Economic and Political Weekly, Seminar and Dalit International Newsletter and therefore definitely well balanced and not a propaganda material as being written by the opponents of Periyar.

In her forceful analysis ‘Anti Caste Radicalism in Tamilnadu : Remembered moments for a receding past V.Geetha take us to the history of anti caste movement in Tamilnadu followed by a more detailed analysis by her and S.Rajadurai in ‘Dalit and non Brahmin consciousness in colonial Tamilnadu’, in which they explain in details how Tamilnadu’s much neglected Dalit icon ‘ Iyothee Thass Pandithar founded Chakya Buddhist Sangam and prior to that Dravida Mahajana Sangam in 1881. Hence much before Ambedkar converted to Buddhism, Iyothee Thass has subscribed to Buddhist philosophy for the Dalits and Adi Dravidas of Tamilnadu. Said Iyothee,’ Self government would only be possible when Brahmin cease to run away from the fear of seeing a pariah and when pariahs cease to chase away Brahmins and throw cow dung at them, when the latter enter the pariah quarters in the village and harmony prevails between the two and they come together as brothers and when the Buddha Dhama is realized.’ In fact Rajadurrai and Geetha through their readings argue that Iyothee Thass said that the pariahs were the original Tamils and their religion was Buddhism and it is the Aryans who degraded them and destroyed their religion.

Both the authors are extremely critical of DMK and AIDMK’s overtures to the Hindutva forces and term it as betrayal of Dravidian ideology.

The article ‘ Neo Brahminism : An International Fallacy’ is well timed and has exposed the theoreticians who are targeting the OBCs and cleverly terming Brahmins as ‘friends’ of Dalits. While for me, it would not be prudent to mention those writers who for the past few years have been writing continuously in the ‘mainstream’ media about the ‘anti-dalit’ views of Periyar, a response was needed both in terms of ideology and politics. While nobody condone the politics of the Dravidian parties who do not really have much love for the Dalits yet as far as ideology is concern, both Rajadurai and Geetha have explained through meticulous work that the Brahman cal forces are gunning to the OBCs through the backdoor of dalit ideologues.

In their analysis to various charges leveled against the OBCs, the authors point out , ‘ BC-SC relationships are marked by conflicts and contradictions. The liberation of SCs cannot be imagined within a circle of oppression that locks them into perpetual conflict and confrontation with the BCs. The oppression must be seen as deriving its strength and persistence from its articulation with the ruling and hegemonic ideology of Brahminism and unless the multiple mediations that structure BC arrogance and power are clearly mapped out, the liberation of SCs will proceed along paths that only lead to the Congress and now BJP ‘solution’ for the oppression of the SCs.’

I think this is a serious analysis and one must see it how BJP today is using the OBCs on the one side and also SCs on the other side. In Uttar-Pradesh, though there is no BJP but their philosophy in power which says upper castes and Dalits are brothers. While SC-BC fight is basically because of their common interest in land, the real land owners are enjoying everything. And rightfully explain the authors: No single BC can be said to have monopolized educational and employment opportunities in the state. While some castes such as the Nadars and Gounders have taken to lucrative trade and entrepreneurship, the BCs even if put together, do not come anywhere near controlling capital and financial matters in the state.’

To prove their point further, the author again quote Iyothee Thass that the principal contradiction of all the marginalized communities particularly the Dalits is Brahmanism,’ saying that an ideological struggle against Brahmins and Brahmanism was primary and necessary.’

The relationship between Ambedkar and Periyar is also reflected in their writings. Ambedkar was highly appreciative of Vaicom Satyagrah launched by Periyar for the rights to enter the temple of the Ezhavas in Travancore state. Periyar like Ambedkar was fully convinced that casteism could never be vanquished without the simultaneous destruction of the practices and beliefs of Hinduism.’ I am sure all those in Tamilnadu whether it is the backward castes or Dalits will understand this basic framework of Periyar. If the Brahmin friends of Dalits want to portray Periyar as a villain in this, please do so but can they really deny the importance of elimination of Brahmanical beliefs and practices a precondition for the emancipation of Dalits and marginalized in India. I am sure neither Periyar nor Ambedkar have become outdated in their views. We all respect and feel that their idea of a casteless society means annihilation of castes which clearly means annihilation of Varnashram Dharma. In fact, Periyar was more ruthless against Brahmanism among the two. He wrote, ‘ I have endeavored all along to abolish caste, as far as this country is concerned, this has meant, carry out propaganda for the abolition of god, religion, the shastras and Brahmins. For caste will disappear only when these four disappear. Even if one of these were to remain case will not be abolished in its entirety… because caste has been constructed of these four.. only after man has become a slave, and a fool would caste have thus been imposed on society’.

Apart from his strong views against Brahmanism, Periyar’s writing on women are not only fascinating but revealing. In fact, I would call him far ahead of his time and a human right defender of women. He said that we need to create a social and cultural movement of revolt- against, caste, Brahmanism, religion and rule of men over women. His bold views might be termed feminists by many of current day analysts when he says that ‘motherhood in this sense was very obverse of female selfhood and had to be consciously rejected if women were to grow into reason, autonomy and dignity.’

One can not be remain fully agree how women had continuously been degraded and one of the thing was masculinity which Periyar felt was a concept and practice degraded women, refused their humanity and worse enslaved them.

Periyar was not just a political ideologue; his forte was his linkages with masses. He not only blamed Brahmanical system for all the evils related to caste in our society but also provided alternatives. His self respect marriages was one such progressive idea that helped change the marriage system a lot in Tamilnadu but today, as Geetha point out in her essay that when other movement took over Tamilnadu particularly anti Hindi Movement, the women’s issue was relegated to back seat. That always happened. All the ‘mainstream movement’ actually sideline women’s issue. And rightfully, Geetha conclude that ‘ the marginalization of woman question was complete as the movement gave itself up to the symbolic languages of nationalism, a nationalism that did not even attempt to its female subject.

While due sympathies with both the writers, it is obvious that nationalism for political purposes will always take you to deep hatred towards those subject who do not fill into the majorities ideological pursuits. And therefore even when Periyar opposed ‘Indian Nationalism or Hindu nationalism or Brahmanical Nationalism, he was mistaking it with a backward nationalism under the garb of ‘Dravidian Nationalism’ and the result is that in Tamilnadu the chasm between the backward communities and Dalits is very big. That the political parties were responsible for this marginalization cannot take away the faulty politics of the leaders of Dravidian politics. Periyar would have become an all India Icon like Ambedkar had he not decried every one living in the North as an Aryan. His anti Hindi agitation might organized the powerful OBC communities but it ultimately damaged the linkages of Tamil people with rest of India.

Having said that, Periyar would always remain one of the giants of Tamilnadu and for many of us who followed his social movement and politics he would remain as relevant as ever as brahmanical poison is increasing day by day and we need a clear stand against cultural subjugation it is bringing. Periyar is one ideologue and icon we can look at for our mental liberation. A liberation which is not possible if the OBCs are not able to understand the concept of Bahujan and see that the Dalits are their natural allies. So is the truth with the Dalit leadership that for a stronger India, the idea of Dalit Bahujan alliance has not become redundant.

Many thanks to both S.V.Rajadurrai and V.Geetha for their wonderful work in bringing Periyar’s interesting writing to us, to understand the greatness of the man and his ideas.

Name of the Book: The Periyar Century: Themes in Caste, Gender and Religion,

Writers : S.V.Rajadurrai,

Publishers : Bharatidasan University, Palkalai Perur, Thiruchirapalli

First edition: 2007

Price: 105

Pages: 320

Civil Liberties Under the threat

Is India fast turning into a police state?

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat

As India grows to become global power, the penetration of civil society, media and other instruments of state become stronger and visible. While it might not be to the likings of those in power when they see protest against forcible acquisition of land in the name of ‘development’. Portraying India as a democracy is easier as we have everything which makes us a successful democracy in the world. We have the ‘best’ constitution. We have president who ‘epitomizes’ ideal Indian woman, chief justice of India from the most marginalized community. The chief minister of India’s most populous and perhaps most criminal state of Uttar-Pradesh is a ‘Dalit woman’. We have so many from the marginalized communities that it looks as if we are a mature democracy.

But the brutal fact is that we are still a democracy which works on symbols. So when symbols are questioned, our maturity as a democracy comes to an end. Therefore, each of these symbols whether they belong to the most marginalized communities or women, feel irritated once they are questioned. The governments of the day feel that these babus in their secretariat provide them the true information. Every act of the state which is questioned is considered as blasphemy.

Over 30 years ago, Indira Gandhi became larger than life. Any criticism of Indira became a challenge to the nation and the critiques were put behind the bar. But that was very small thing. Today, the states are becoming highly inflammable and intolerant to any criticism of their functioning. They want a media which could report on their press releases. They want civil society to do the work designed and defined for the construction contractors hence you find more NGOs in the domain of contractors. Very few have got the guts to speak up against this tyranny.

One need not to go into political ideologies or international connections of civil society groups here but the basic of why the state and its authorities are getting tizzy over criticism need serious analysis. When Binayak Sen was arrested in Chhatisgarh, the same argument was given that he had linked with Naxalites. A state which has surrendered and can not protect its citizens is blaming a human rights activist who has been sincerely doing his work, is termed as a ‘sympathizers’ as if sympathy with a group become anti national. One does not know what does it mean but definitely all those who once upon of a time wrote that Maoists were terrorists in Nepal, will have to shut their mouth and sit with them as people’s power have brought them. Binayak Sen is still languishing in Jail despite appeal for his release by international community. His continuous confinement shows how mature are we as a democracy.

Just a few days back, about 18 farmers contested election as mark of protest in Polepally, Mehboob Nagar, Andhra Pradesh where Andhra Pradesh government is developing an SEZ. The land acquired made a majority of the people of the area completely landless and penniless. The state’s forced acquisition did not give people time to think. Political parties play blame game and yet when they come to power, behave in a very similar way. Hence when the farmers contested in the polls as independent candidates, they all calculated and yet were not allowed to protest. If the chief minister comes to the town, all the contestants were illegally detained and let off in far away places.

Illegal detention is part of our police culture. It is to stop you speaking in open. It is state’s intimidation with out killing you. It is basically killing us all the time. Movements are divided, rifts are created among them, laws are interpreted in such a way that no one would believe in democracy. Why should any one believe in it if after 20-30 years of struggle and faith in the highest law of the land, people do not get justice? The case point is Shaheed Udham Singh Nagar, where over 150 Dalit landless workers were involved in their struggle for livelihood. About 1167 acres of land was illegally possessed by a company named as M/s Escorts Farms Ltd. Despite Allahabad High Court verdict which was later upheld by Supreme Court, the state government refused to implement the order. Even the Lokayukta of Uttarakhand found that the officials of the government have violated the law and done contempt of the court, but nothing moves. A fresh petition was filed by Social Development Foundation in the Supreme Court of India with Justice K.G.Balakrishanan and Justice Ravindran issued notices to Uttarakhand government against the same. Not every one can go to the court. By the time, people reach Supreme Court, their patience is gone, and a number of them do not even remain alive to see the dooms day. Hence in democracy people are using other techniques for their redressal like social audits, public hearing, people’s tribunals and many innovative ideas. Unfortunately, the government officials have become too intolerant to these ideas as they have become instruments for public shows and media relation exercise. The officials, habitual of hiding facts know that under tremendous pressure of civil society, they won the issues like Right to Information which is being used by people to redress their issues. In fact, it has become an obstacle in the freedom of the officials. Now, issues like Social Audits of the government programmes have also made people aware of their rights. Those who enjoy ignorance of people at the cost of their livelihood are now feeling challenged and confronted and therefore various acts of intimidations.

Therefore, questioning government and authorities may cost you life as happened in the case of Lalit Mehta, a social activist of the right to food campaign in Jharkhand, who was shot dead when as he unearthed massive scandal in the NREGS. Shockingly rather than arresting the culprit, the government reports implicate noted economist Jean Dreze, the inspiration behind right to food campaign. It shows how the governments of the day function and how ignorant its officials are about the persons leading such movements. It is not their fault but the culture we have developed in the government which they are the law unto themselves.

The point is that these cases will go on and on. We will highlight them and ultimately put the erring officials to scrutiny but what happens to the people. Many of the people in these cases are old and by the time justice comes they are no more. In the Shaheed Udham Singh Nagar case many lost their children. Cases were filed against them for ‘disturbing’ peace. Similar thing happened in Polepally as just a day back, a young woman drank poison as her family was in a difficult situation after the land was forcibly taken over by the government. Now, over the years apart from mobilization as form of protest, organizing alternative strategies such as blogs, silent protests, fast and public hearing are fast becoming instruments of civil society. As corporatised media is controlled and give news according to their own interest, we have to find, who will be interested in our stories. But if you are not politically correct and are not into any fixation into ‘this’ or ‘that’ political formation, then even the best known ‘secular’ paper like ‘the Hindu’ can ditch you. And we know how faithfully it reported the events of Nandigram.

The ‘democratic’ Marxists are most undemocratic. Apart from fudging the data, playing with numbers to prove them with ‘impeccable’ credentials, they have been romanticized by aid agencies, people working for land rights and those working on secularism in India. Yes, outside Bengal, they fight for people’s right over resources, they are organising public hearing and being part of it. They are role models even for their ‘worst’ critiques like ‘world bank’. ‘Frontline’ gave them hundred percent marks for ‘elimination’ of manual scavenging and wonderfully handling the Nandigram crisis. When public hearings are considered as part of people’s protests and their faith in democratic values, in Bengal, the police order have put question mark over such things. That human rights organization, MASUM, which is working against torture and custodial deaths, organized a Public Hearing against the victims of police atrocities in Kolkata on June 9th and June 10th. It is strange that the state government felt offended with the activities of a civil society organization where a former Chief Justice of a state high court and a former chairperson of National Commission for Women, participated as observers. Have public hearing or people’s tribunal become parallel government? Perhaps the governments of the day want to believe that. Unfortunately, they do not understand that people’s tribunal helps the victims to understand the legal dynamics of their cases. People’s tribunals are like watch dogs of the government action so that they can be improved. Like any civil society these are lawful activities with legal luminaries and government authorities participating in it.

In a civilized society, governments of the day need to be on the toes. No government, however, old or big might be is above the rule of the law. Government’s authorities are responsible to people. Their activities need to be questioned. The state human rights commissions are becoming redundant. Even the activities of NHRC are limited. And even with in those parameters, the governments are not interested in forming these commissions. The case point is Haryana where a woman who was raped by the constables of Haryana police committed suicide in front of the DGP office after failing to get FIR against the erring policemen who instead of surrendering tried to implicate her husband. Haryana which is notorious for honored killing and caste based crimes, does not feel it necessary to have its own State Human Rights Commission.

The assaults on human rights defenders will grow in the coming days. They would be asked to toe the government line. Like the embedded press, perhaps, the government is looking for embedded human rights activism. They find it difficult since their own institutions which they constituted are not functioning according to their fancies. It is time, Indian officials and police adhere to international norms and practices. Any act of intimidations to human rights activists will only damage the forces of rule of law in the country. As long as there will be assault on people’s right whether they are fundamental rights or rights over resources, people will fight for justice and for that they will not only need strong national laws but support and collaboration from international laws and civil society. Human Rights movement world over are supporting people’s cause and need full support. We must decry and oppose to any attempt to intimidate people to express their opinion and exercise their right to organize a public hearing which is part of any civilized democratic system to highlight the plight of the victims. If that is taken away from us, there will be no difference between a democracy and a military junta or a martial law regime anywhere in the world. Wake up India, otherwise, it would be too late.

Honored killing are an illegitimate justification to save a fragile caste structure?

Kill to Honor the caste system

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat

Roshini Devi remained remorseless in accepting the fact that she and her family killed their daughter Sunita, a divorcee living with her lover Jasbir against the wishes of their family in particular and society in general, in Karnal district of Haryana state. Jasbir’s mother though felt grave loss of her son yet had to succumb to the social pressure in pretending as if she was happy with the way her son and his lover met their end.

Honored killing may not be in the official dictionary of India but such incidents are not isolated and are happening on a regular interval. The only fact is that the media does not have enough time to discuss over this, and if they discuss it, they shout on the technicality of the issue like lack of police action, therefore making it a crime story. Ofcourse, it is a crime but much bigger than what an ordinary criminal could do. As it involves those who believe in superfluous racial philosophy which believe that intermingling of different communities by way of marriage must not only be disowned but also discouraged. And if some one dare to go against their dictates, the result is the brutal killings and the atrocious display of dead bodies in public so that future generations, young children should remain caution to understand their boundaries. The politicians, as usual get into the news only when we have to look politically correct. Haryana and western Uttar-Pradesh are notorious in this regard where killing for the honor of family and society is the order of the day.

A few days back, the caste Panchayat sat in karnal and forced Jasbir’s parents to withdraw the case against the girl’s parents. These caste Panchayats are rampant in India and are a result of our over emphasis on ‘identity’ and ‘culture’. Of late, it has become fashion in Uttar-Pradesh that every caste is organizing its own Panchayat, predominantly male chauvinist, they are the law themselves. It is this arrogance and deep abhorrence for law, that an old rustic fellow like Mahendra Singh Tikait can abuse the chief Minister of Uttar-Pradesh and get away with it. Though the Uttar-Pradesh Chief Minister Ms Mayawati, brought him to knees yet the fact is that Tikait got support from all the political parties who rather than condemning his caste-ist remark, made a beeline to support him. When everything is politics, the biggest casualty would be the rule of law. It would not be an exaggeration to suggest that though India has a political constitution which is secular and gives one man equal right to vote, it is the Manu Smriti and its laws which runs our social structure. And our political laws and constitution remain helpless to this and it should remain our biggest concern.

India declared itself a secular republic with a progressive constitution yet its girls are killed for falling in love with person of their choice. Such stories are not even reported.

About a fortnight ago we heard the killing of a boy who happened to be a Muslim and fell in love with a girl who was daughter of a local political leader of the Hindutva brigade in Indore. The couple was threatened. They ran from Indore to Mumbai, even approached a TV channel and gave their perception live on the TV that they are under the threat. And many months back, when the girl was pregnant, they thought that now the things are calm down, they went back to Indore. The very next morning the boy was killed. The remorseless mother did not utter anything.

The political parties and societies at large in India remain fixated to old mindset and this over emphasis on culture and values with a superficial belief of a superior culture has led to this killing in the name of honor. There is no war against it. After the great war of Ambedkar who declared openly that Indian village system need to improve, who was apprehensive of village politics and caste Panchayats and the dominance of the powerful upper castes in it, no real political battle has been fought against it. The political battle of between the champion of Hindu values verses secular values is a clear deviation from the real battle where India should have prioritized.

The stratified Indian society did not jolt even with the powerful waves of Tsunami. The caste system is so strong here that Tsunami would fail and every Indian, it seems, is proud of his/her lineage. Hence the focus on identities not only fetch good votes to you but also burry the dissents with in the communities. Today, the identity politics has far reaching impact. With male chauvinists sitting everywhere, they are using identities for their own nefarious purposes and find motivation and suspicion on every one who questions these values.

It is across communities. Girls are to be won over. The global markets do the same thing by parading them at the ramps while the traditional markets do not allow them to select their own choices. Perhaps, the fear is in the mindset that once they start deciding about their choice, our family system, the much respected system on which bollywood’s outdated films have spend millions of rupees, would become redundant. The glamour, the hoopla and the industry behind this fad create an artificial aura of the Indian family system and marriages without realizing that they are just keeping together for the sake of society and not for themselves. And if divorces are growing today, it is not that there are bad values but there is a choice now for women to opt out of the marriage.

How can the writ of constitution run large in society where religion is being marketed not by the political parties but by the big corporations also to boost their sale? The film stars make good film but end up in globalizing the tainted Indian belief system. Irony is that there is no movement against the atrocious value system and even the so-called civil society harp on our great past and cultural legacy.

Our histories as well as mythologies are full of so-called illicit relationships. There were multiple queens and concubines and all these things were considered as usual and ‘leelas’ as justification. While the case of Rakshasas, these things were shown as bad but for the ‘gods’ they were ‘leelas’, or what I would call ‘theatre of absurd’. These absurdities are part of our value system and we continue to eulogize them. Rules are different for different people based on their castes.

This consciousness related to colour, caste, region and religion has created an ugly situation in India. A state which claims to be secular has in fact promoted multicultural fanaticism in the past fifty years. In the name of multi-culturalism, we are witnessing promotion of patriarchical fanaticism by the state. It is a situation ‘ you are happy in your house and we are in our house constructed by some ‘wise’ men. These wise men are seculars who sit together and strengthen each other. Their secularism is under the threat when a woman ask for justice or there is an inter religious or inter-caste match. All of them are up in arms to discount that. Political leaders consider that a threat to peace and social activists do not take up the issue. And Haryana’s case is a grim reminder where nobody came to cremate the woman despite police approaching a local NGO for the same, it refused. It also caste shadow of the self styled social action which are witnessing in the past twenty years. We are all active in the front which are non controversial and do not really threaten our status quo.

In the Bhadohi town of Uttar-Pradesh, the daughter of a ‘social activist’ disappeared and he filed an FIR against a Muslim exporter for allegedly kidnapping her. Though in normal circumstances all the ‘parents’ do lodge FIRs against the boys and their families if their daughters ‘disappear’. But this case was different. Here was one well known activist fighting against the ‘carpet mafia of Bhadohi’ and claiming victimization from them, hence the social activists in the state capital also jumped into the fray. Protests, Dharanas and everything took place. The police arrested the ‘accused’. I am narrating this incident to portray India’s casteist social action groups and how they promote their caste men as ‘simple’, ‘honest’ and ‘revolutionary’ working for the ‘poor’, these days ‘dalits’ and ‘marginalized.’

In the Varanasi case, police swung into action after a lot of pressure and finally after two-three months later they were able to trace the ‘disappeared’ girl and her ‘husband’. The girl went away from her family and married to a man of her choice, who was known in the family. Since, parents in India including social activists, feel highly offended and embarrassed if their children decide about their own and particularly if any one of them is either from a down trodden community or married or physical challenged, our honor is at stake. So, the entire episode of disappearance was created and an innocent man was made scapegoat to save the ‘honor’ of ‘social activist’. And so far none of the other friends who participated for the ‘honor’ of ‘social activist’ had the courage to tell people that their campaign was wrongly done and need apologies.

The Indian police and Indian State does not come out clean on these things well. About five years back one Balmiki boy from Delhi fell in love with a girl who happened to be from a Jaat family. Balmikis are the lowest even among the formerly untouchable communities and Jaats are powerful middle caste peasantry dominant in western Uttar-Pradesh, Rajasthan, Haryana and Delhi. They have been the best beneficiary of the green revolution but a highly conservative community and resist marriages with in the community as well as any self arrange marriages. Every community in the western Uttar Pradesh has its own caste panchayats. These caste Panchayats are called to determine the fate of the youngsters who defy social norms. The Balmiki Boy of Delhi and the Jaat girl married in a court. Immediately after the incidents, the Jaats attacked the village of Balmikis in a Delhi suburban area and demolished their houses and huts. The girl’s parents filed case of abduction against the boy’s family and the police starting torturing this. Since the boys brother has been in social action for years, some of us decided to form a committee and met the police officials. We met a senior police officer who said that it was a ‘social’ problem and ask us not to take it as an ‘administrative’ problem. ‘ You see policemen do also have castes and most of the Delhi police personnel hail from the Jaat, Gujjar and other communities from Western Uttar-Pradesh and Haryana. This lower staff of ours has its own social values and would go by the social norms.’ The officer suggested that we should do some ‘social reform’ in the region. It is shocking that this view point comes from a senior official who is given responsibility to uphold the law. I said,’ Sir, why can not you tell your junior officers to follow the law and protect the innocent.’ Despite the police officials assurance, things did not change. The girl was put under tremendous pressure where she changed her statement many time. The case is in the Delhi high court and it has asked quashing of FIR against the boy and his family. Since this is a battle between two unequal, the forces of Manu Smriti are powerful the forces of the constitution of India. The police, the administration and other powerful organs of the state remain to the side of law breakers.

In the west, honored killing is basically linked to the Islamic world but the thing is that we are no better in India. Any marriage without consent of the parents is considered an embarrassment and humiliation. Parents do not marry their child; instead they marry with power and prestige. This disease is contagious and spreading like a wild fire. The terms may change, the glamour may be there but ultimately the Indian marriages are big fad and an impediment in the way of choice of an individual.

We continue to live in clan and identities. These identities are basically male dominance cultural values in our society. It helps the Parochial values of a period when women were kept in Hamams, as well as where the kings, Zamindars and others were keeping women of their choice. It is a culture we appreciate. Today, when these things are being questioned and people are marrying out of their choices, the biggest mental block comes from a false notion of superiority. That is why these honored killing. People talk of social backwardness, education and economic upliftment but caste can not be eliminated by these factors alone unless we are interested in it. The report from UK are disappointing as how South Asians living in that country are indulging in honored killings. It shows that our mindset will not change with mere shifting our places and earning a few dollars and pounds. More importantly it also shows that we do not go to any place because we respect their values but we want their money. Most of these Desis who are living abroad are there not for British value system or European value system but for their own earnings. It is tragic that they become more fundamentalists and this argument of culture values and religion has put them into the company of new breed of Swamis and Babas who are earning millions from their trips abroad. Every body is looking for Nirwana but with in their ‘cultural’ boundaries.

Honored killing is not a ‘problem’ in India as those who are supposed to raise the issue in the human rights forum, in their own caste forums, in their communities, fear that it would open floodgates for ‘liberation’ and it is this fear of liberation of women, particularly her right to chose her partner, that would threaten our family values and structure. We are worried that if we are unable to ‘honor’ our family values, our system will crack. Therefore, even the activists fail to come forward to take on this honor but if we fail to respond to this urgent call, I am afraid, it will be too late.

But who will initiate the process? Once we fight against honored killing which are actually racial in nature as it is caste based violence, the forces of the status quo will be in action. Today, the priest is not speaking Sankrit but he is anglicized with a computer. Already, you have seen preachers entering; there are classes for girls, as how to be good ‘wives’, daughter in laws and mother. They are making huge money and people are put into caste structures. The newspaper industry will die, the fraudulent preachers will lose their jobs, the priests and all other will die with out funds if our boys and girls chose their own partners and live happily. Yes honored marriages have the potential to make many workless but definitely they will revive our love and give honor to individual. Nothing is happier and satisfying than human freedom. The so-called freedom from the British was a political battle that many feel we won, but we have not yet won our battle for individual freedom and their right to choose their faith as well as their partners. India has a long way to be called a civilized nation as it has not yet been able to protect those individuals who chose to live together despite all the protest from the society. A society can not be bigger than the choices of two individuals to come together. This is the biggest challenge that we face today in India where the individuals have to face the might of society based on Manusmriti. Time has come to demolish it and ensure a dignified and honored life for our children.

Dalit Bahujan protests against the neo colonization process in Andhra

Polepally struggles against Special Exploitative Zone

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat

Hyderabad vs Banglore, says an advertisement of Congress Party for the Karnataka elections and the mascot is S.M.Krishna, the original feel good man of the Congress Party. Chandra Babu Naidu’s became the darling of English media for his ‘revolutionary’ role in changing the lives of millions of people in Andhra Pradesh but his dream to rule India was shattered the people defeated him in the subsequent elections. Unfortunately, the Congress government in Andhra Pradesh refused to learn lessons from the defeat of Telugu Desham Party and continue to feel good that ‘Hyderabad’ city has turned hi-tech and big investment keep coming in the state. In the loud noise of hi-tech Andhra, Chandra Babu forgot that farmers were dying and agriculture was facing stiff challenge from the corporate and strain from the new zamindars of the land such as powerful builders, a majority of whom have turned to be politicians or have strong political affiliations. Rajshekar Reddy came in the aftermath of that defeat of Telugu Desham in the hope that he would do something for the farmers, though, many of us who have been constantly following the Congress’s economic policies understand that the party of Zamindars of the past is fast turning to Party of the new liberal econocrats and it goes by the advice of the English media which is mostly urbanized and has deep disdain for rural India and agriculture sector.

Hence after the defeat of Chandra Babu Naidu, followed by Congress’s much touted liberal regimes, it was expected that the government would understand the crisis looming over the farm sector and would not involve itself in the loot. But it looks that the politicians are happy to be a part of this loot of the nation which is called SEZ. Land Acquisition anywhere is becoming a highly charged issue and political parties and governments are only opposing it where they find it political correct. For ruling parties SEZ and land acquisition under any name is becoming another instrument to loot and fill their coffers.

Just three hours drive from Hyderabad to Mehboob Nagar district present the irony of current phase of development that is taking shape in our country. Over 1240 acres of land has been acquired from 350 families in Polepally, a majority of who belong to Dalit Bahujan communities. The land has been acquired three years back and compensation has been much below the normal standard. The Dalits and OBCs who got government land several years back for their livelihood have been given a paltry sum of Rs 18,000 per acre. Those who had their own land or purchased land several years back got Rs 50,000/- per acre. Yahiya, who owned 6 acres of land was compelled to take the compensation for Rs 3,00,000/-. ‘ If you want to take the compensation, take it otherwise we would put in your bank account’, said the government officials. Yehiya was threatened much time. He says that this land is gold. We do not need anything. Such a fertile land today would fetch a price of Rs 30 lakh per acre. That is the market rate today, as the land is very much on the highway.

‘ We had every product like Rice, Jowar, cotton and vegetables. One acre of land would produce about 15-20 quintal of cotton for a market price of Rs 2,500-3000/- per quintal. Tor dal would go for Rs 1,600/- per quintal and an acre would easily produce 10 quintal.

Ramesh Gowda is an anguished person as ‘no body takes interest’ for the cause of the farmers, he says. Ramesh had a total of 8 Acre of land. 2 acres of land was acquired in 1998-99 by the TDP government for Rs 24,000 per acre, to redistribute the same to the Schedule Castes. The rest 6 acres of land have been acquired by the government for the SEZ purposes. He has got Rs 3,00000/- for a land which could have easily provided him nearly Rs 90,00000/- ( Rs Ninety Lakh Only). ‘ We have lost our land. We lost our touch with the earth. It was gold, as we were able to fetch our family. My elder son is doing MCA. I put my daughters in best schools. How am I going to serve them? I have got Rs 3 lakh as compensation. What can I do with that? I do not have work to fetch my family.’ says Gowda.

Dalits are one of the biggest affected communities apart from the other bahujan communities. Out of total 41 deaths in the past two years, more than 50% belong to SC category owning land between one acre to 5 acres. One fourth of them are tribal and shockingly the average age of those who died is 46. These deaths are out of shock after losing their land and therefore the onus of these deaths goes on the government of Andhra Pradesh which is shamelessly pursuing its land grab agenda. It is therefore a big lie when the government and many experts suggest that Dalits have nothing to lose in the SEZ. G.Vanketesh, a dalit farmer today has become totally landless and looking for work. ‘ We work as laborers and do not get even Rs 100/- per day. It is a difficult job. In the village the so-called NREGS is basically in the hands of contractors,’ says Venketesh, 28. We had three acres of land given to us by the government but today that land has been acquired and we were given a compensation of Rs 18,000 per acre. In fact, we got only Rs 16,000/- as the balance money was grabbed by the authorities. Venkatesh has a family of five. His father can not work. For him it is the loss of inheritance. Where to go for work and how to feed his family are his immediate concerns.

Bachanna is about 55 years of age and have two sons. He belongs to Mala community. He only got Rs 16,000 and that too for one acre of land. He is shocked to see the callous attitude of the official who denies him even peeping in that land which gave him so much.

Karmaiya, a Dalit farmers had to give away his 6 acre land. Instead of getting Rs 1,08,000/- he got Rs54,000/-. Actually, the compensation packages are not easy to handle. Poor farmers, who are most of the time illiterate, are betrayed by their ‘own’ people who turn middleman to the officials. The officials have linkages with the middlemen and bank managers of the rural banks.

Many farmers did not even get 10,000/- at the end though it is Rupees Eighteen thousand on paper. Yadaiah, got only Rupees Nine thousand for all his 5 acres of land, he says he got only for two acres but he doesn’t know where the rest of the money has gone, most probably to the middlemen who play a link between the bank officials, the authorities and the farmers. .hivli, a tribal woman, do not even know who got money, she did not get any money. The problem with women is many fold. They are victims at home, they work harder and if they are single or widowed then the amount of oppression is simply inexplicable.

A number of these farmers were arrested when they protested against this illegal land grab. ‘Nobody came to support them. The authorities do not allow them to go near the field. They are now considered as threat.

Shankaraiah, 34, has five daughters. With his 3 acre land now gone to the government he does not known where his future lies. There is no work in the village at the moment. Their families are in deep distress. They do not really know how to get out of the crisis that mercenaries masquerading as politicians have done it to them.

As mark of protest against the political system, the struggling farmers of Polepally have decided to contest the coming bi-election in Mehboobnagar. It is a unique way of protest. Rather than boycotting the elections, they have decided to contest the poll and will be forcing the authorities to take note of their protest. About 70 of them want to contest but finances are a big concern. Most of them are poor farmers and therefore seeking support from all those who believe that Polepally’s farmer’s can show a way to other people in resisting these Special Exploitative Zones, which are killing the Dalit Bahujan communities and snatching the country from its highly rich natural resources as well as bio diversity. It is this threat to our nature, our rivers, and our forests that we must protect. In democracy, we can only protest through the legitimate mean but if it fails the people either enter into deep shells of depressions or pick up guns to protect their honor and dignity.

The colonization process of our natural resources is now being legitimized by the state power. Polepally’s farmer’s are resisting it with their conviction, and their faith in democracy which is essentially very difficult given the nature of battle for the control over natural resources have rarely been democratic as democracy today do not seem to support people’s voice but it look it has become an instrument to legitimize the corporate's unrestricted control over our resources as well as lives.

One can differ with the nature of protest as different perceptions come in mind. Some of the Telanganites suggest that first they should get the Telangana state first and these issues could be resolved later. This was very similar to what Gandhi had told Ambedkar when the latter asked for a separate electorate. The issue is that who would be forces dominating in the new Telengana state. And secondly, would such movements have anything to do with those groups who are ready to shake hand with the Hindutva fascists or corporate supported parties whether they are in power or opposition in the state. In fact, the silver line is that the Dalits are leading the protests and a substantial number of women are raring to challenge the traditional political parties, says Sujatha Surepally, who is a leading light of the campaign against SEZ under the banner of POLEPALLY SEZ VYATIREKA IKYA SANGHATANA. The struggle of Polepally would strengthen the unity between the Dalit-Bahujan communities including Muslims, tribals and farmers. Sujatha further says that SEZ is a new colonization process to keep Dalit Bahujan communities subjugated for ever. Madhu Kagula, who is spearheading the campaign against SEZ says that Telangana is not different from its dying and starving people. Why are the political parties and so called social organizations silent on the issue of Polepally, he laments. When people are dying, women have become widows, the parties and their supporters ask us to wait for the new state to get it resolved. The problem according to both Sujatha and Madhu is that no party has taken a stand against the SEZ. And it is this frustration that has led the people to protest in this unique way, they say.

Polepally’s people need support, not just moral and physical but also financial support to keep their momentum going unless they get justice. Those who wish to support the movement for social justice and dignity of the people of Polepally may write to Sujatha Surepally at ssurepally@gmail.com

An Ambedkarite artist challenges the brahmanical hegemony

Art as the form of political protest : A Dalit artist challenge brahmanical hegemony


By Vidya Bhushan Rawat


Every time Savi Savarkar wanted to exhibit his paintings at the Ravindra Bhawan at the Lalit Kala Academy, Delhi, the hidden agenda of the Hindutva ensured that he does not get space for his paintings. After many efforts he got permission to exhibit those wonderful paintings which are actually Ambedkar’s statements against brahmanical social order. As I write this, Savarakar’s paintings are in the last days of their exhibitions. When a friend suggested that we should go see Savarkar’s paintings at Ravindra Bhavan, the first thought that came in mind ( and that is our ignorance level about Dalit art) was Vir Savarkar. I felt, this friend was joking. May be Sangh Parivar has put some paintings but he confirmed to me about Savi Savarkar, a man from Maharastra and his wonderful work. Savi Savarkar fought many battle because of his caste and his paintings have challenged the brahmanical hegemony.

After visiting his painting exhibition, I remain spell bound and thank to our friend for opening me a new front of art. I am not an art critique yet always found that despite India’s art work were the creations of Dalit Bahujans, we never saw art as a mean of protest. Even when the Dalits created and constructed Indian art whether it is Madhubani paintings or elsewhere, they confined themselves with in the parameters of the brahmanical value system or their gods and goddesses. Art was mostly ‘godly’ which is actually unlikely of being a Dalit as God never really came for the rescue of Dalits particularly in India.

When one goes through those paintings in complete Ambedkarite thoughts, it gives us enough hope that Modern art will now have to cope with the fiercely competitive Dalit protests which were not there earlier. Brahmins have always been shown as pious, poor but honest in all our art form. But thankfully, the first time, one can see how notorious they look when you see the painting ‘ Brahmin and Ganga’, oil on canvass-2006. Its interesting how Savi has used the most famous sacred river Ganga being used by the Brahmins to uphold their traditions. And this is an important factor even today that for the growth of brahmancal values, they have used every form whether it is nature or now science.

In the past, artists have made Devdasi paintings for purely arts sake, appreciating their beauty, curves and hair but Savarkar paints many forms of Devdasis. He is not satisfied with terming them as woman but look beyond that. Devdasi’s are victim of the caste system. The way he has described and painted them exposing the cultural values and big mutths which had Devdasis is worthy of mentioning here.

Artists always involved in not only introspections but also expertise themselves with comparative studies. One of the sketches made in 2002 named as Fish and Blue Face are a comparative study of Chippas tribal in Mexico with that of the Dalits in India. Both says Savarkar, work hard and are mentally strong, despite the fact that their bodies are overburdened with work and to him that the hands and legs work but body disappear.

Narrating an event which forced him to make ‘ Woman out of woman’, Savarkar says how he got frustrated when he saw the life experience of Joginis. He felt helpless that time. How paradoxical it is that Brahmin have sex with Devdasis but bring his own water to drink. Can there be any other system which is hippocratic, racist and abusive in nature?
Says Savi, when Devdasis come to the street even there the people make her pregnant. It is a story which can make any ‘thinking’ person mad and frustrated. And that has reflected in the paintings where the naked face of Brahminism is exposed.

There are so many paintings and for an art lover they are a complete treat to observe. For a lay person like me, it is the intensity which is attractive. The colors that he chose to depict and the face of the Brahmanism which is not only intrusive but also intimidating are the real protests.

In fact, Gujarat-2002 was a blot on the face of democracy. Artists were against the communal carnage. We saw many exhibitions at the secular platform decrying the goons of Hindutva and lamenting on the decline of our ‘golden’ past. The Hindutva goons also attacked exhibitions of M.F. Hussain, who they claimed to denigrate the Hindu gods and goddesses. What makes Savi Savarkar different from others is his unambiguous war against Brahmanism. He portrays Gujarat carnage not exactly in terms of RSS verses the Muslims but in terms of Brahmanical intimidations and farce. Savi saw the majority of Muslims being attacked as hailing the Dalit community and hence the bias against them was more than being against an ordinary Muslim. Thus, his paintings have exposed that Gujarat violence was not just a communal carnage unleashed by the Sangh Parivar and their different offshoots but the brahmanical intimidations and annihilation of the Dalits and people like them. The most important factor of Savi’s artistic expression is expose of an order build and developed by Manu that degraded men not on the basis of their castes but also gender. And therefore, as an artist, he has not confined himself to the issue of caste violence but has shown more concern on the condition of women. He makes it clear how women are victim of caste prejudices, patriarchical system and religious values. Not only this, he is able to show how during the so-called communal violence in Gujarat, it is the women who face the victimization from the forces of the brahmanical social order.

It’s very rare to find such political statement through art. Savi Savarkar is going to exhibit his paintings in Paris soon. But before he could do that, all those who value art as freedom of expression and choice must support his cause. After much financial hardship Savi Savarkar was able to exhibit his works at the Ravindar Bhavan. All those who value art and feel that art has a political statement against brahmanical values and bramindom must survive and grow, should visit Savi’s exhibition and support the cause. One hope that you would be able to see this extraordinary man’s passion for the civilized society as demonstrated in Dr Ambedkar’s writing. It is therefore refreshing to see that art which had been a domain of brahmanical values, has now found Ambedkarite protest in the form of Savi’s imagination and expressions. And one must appreciate his work for that. One hope that many more artists from Dalit-Bahujan communities would learn and adopt this form of art against the brahmanical value system and hopefully they would be able to project and portray the real face of Dalit vision, which means freedom of expression, freedom of choice and a society based on equality of human being without any prejudice against women.

Savi’s work would be there at Ravindra Bhavan, Lalit Kala Academy till May 8th, 2008. Those of you who wish to know more about his work can visit his website at www.savisawarkar.arttimes.in and he can be contacted at savisawarkar@yahoo.com