Dalit assertion in Punjab

Fire at Vienna exposes Ugly realities of caste discrimination in Punjab

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat

Punjab is burning. The Dalits are at the street. The government is seeking peace and every one is amused why the Dalits have taken to the street. Some are amused as why attack on Sant Niranjan Dass, head of Dera Guru Ravidas Sachkhand Balan and death of Sant Ramanand could spark such violent protest in Punjab. Unfortunately, they forget to understand the first question itself as why such Deras face attack by the fundamentalist Sikh groups. Is it because these Deras have provided a glimpse of hope and identity to a massive Dalit population in Punjab? Is it also not true that these Deras are also giving the upper caste Sikhs a run for their money and power?

Problem is in our perception about Punjab as a casteless society where Sikhism grew. The fact is that inspite of great preaching in the Guru Granth Saheb and their own sacrifices, the leadership that emerged in Punjab is upper caste dominated feudal Sikhs. And they have used the Gurudwaras for their political purposes. The Dalits were just not wanted in these Gurudwars. After the Ravidasis and Majahabis also started creating their own temples, the problem started growing. The slogan of ‘Guru Ravidas Mahraj ki Jai’ reverberate in these Gurudwaras and perhaps that is considered to be a challenge to mainstream Sikhism. It’s the question of identity. It is unfortunate that like Churches, Gurudwaras are also caste based. Once I happen to travel to Uganda and found that there was Gurudwaras for Ramdasis, for Jat Sikhs and for Ravidasis. It clearly means that despite converting to other religions and leaving your country, Indians are deeply rooted in their caste prejudices and have every power to demolish the powerful preaching of Gurus. When the preaching of the great people become issue of identity by their community people, the oppressed would also search for the similar identities and Punjab and elsewhere, the Dalit’s quest for identity can not be negated and discounted. Interestingly, the ‘experts’ from Punjab rarely brought this facts out how the agrarian community of upper caste Sikhs in Punjab has developed deep rooted prejudices and contempt towards the Dalits and the marginalized.

Punjab, they say, represent India’s pride, a state that changed us from a food importing country to a food sufficient country. Punjab, the state of green revolution, though many of us always questioned this. Yet, long back, I mentioned in one of my long notes that Punjab’s green revolution actually strengthened the feudal values. Feudalism is not just enemy of egalitarian values but thoroughly against nature and environment. Today, the beautiful land of Punjab have no water ( water level has depleted) and the mustered field have been replaced for cash crops and big wedding points and shopping malls which show the ‘growth’ rate of Punjab.


While none can condone the violence and burning of trains, the fact is, this incident in Vienna has happened at a time when we are still analyzing our poll results. Our national and international media suggested that India is now looking forward for a ‘progressive’ government, and that the current verdict was against ‘regionalism’, and casteism. Paradoxically, just a few days back, in the review committee meeting of World Conference Against Racism and Xenophobia, the international agencies, civil society organizations, governments failed to address the issue of caste. Despite much hype created in Durban about the discrimination based on caste, the government of India ensured that nothing happens on this front.

But then old habits die hard. Those, whose lives have been based on purity of castes, do not really change even when they go abroad. Those who believe in superiority of a particular race do not change even staying in countries where they enjoy freedom and civil liberties. Two most important and visible communities of India in abroad are from Gujarat and Punjab. Both these states are supposed to be growing with a growth rate more than our central figures. Both these states are fantastic for ‘investors’ and are providing ‘stable’ governments yet they are far behind the national figure of male female ratio. While the Muslims in Gujarat are still far boycotted and Dalits completely on the margins in the absence of a popular Dalit movement there, in Punjab the situation is different. Sikhism was actually a way of life which revolted against the caste hierarchies. Guru Granth Saheb is perhaps the only holy book where you have ‘sabad’ and kirtans of different Sufi Saints including Kabir, Ravidas, Dadu, Nanak and Jaisi. Yet, like every other revolution, the Sikkhism itself became victim of the hierarchical system as the Jats hijacked the social justice agenda of Sikhism. The agenda then turned to Sikh identity ignoring the demands and assertions of the Dalits, mostly the Majhabis and Ravidasis.

Punjab has the highest percentage of Dalit population (27%) and yet despite good economic changes, Dalits are discriminated by the Jats in not only Punjab but elsewhere. Unfortunately, in the name of minority rights, these Jaat Sikhs gets away with everything and turn violent. None of us can forget the case of Baant Singh, a Majahabi Sikh, whose hands and legs were chopped off by the powerful Jats because he objected to molestation of his daughter and raised the voice against discrimination in the Manasa region of Punjab. Ironically, Punjab did not burn then.

I have been involved in a similar fight for the Dalit rights in the Uttarakhand state’s Tarai where over 150 families of landless Dalits have not been able to get their land rights for over last twenty year despite favorable verdict from every court of the country including Supreme Court. Even when the Lokayukta of Uttarakhand found that contempt of the court verdict has been made by the authorities. The land grab by this powerful Jat Sikhs in the Tarai belt is well known to be described here. And who are the victims; it is predominantly the Dalits and tribal. The Tharus and Boxas are still tilling their own land as bonded labour. The Akalis and all the political parties actually tried to raise the issue of discrimination against Sikhs but the same time forget when they themselves discriminate against some one else.

The massacre in Vienna, as some Austrian papers wrote, is the sign of dirty side of Indian social system. Despite our government and intellectual hiding their misdeeds, caste is a reality in this country and Dalits at the receiving end. It is not therefore strange that the reports coming from Vienna blame the Ravidasis for ‘denigrating’ the Guru Granth Saheb. To justify a murder we make statement. Every fundamentalist create a situation to ensure that his viewpoint look rational. A dynamic way of life like Sikkhism could easily become victim of the caste hierarchies reflect that the Indians as a society become a follower of a person not because of his or her ideals but because of the birth based identity. Therefore, we end up respecting the person for being one among us and ‘preaching’ certain gospel and doing miracles in their names. A revolutionary therefore is brahmanised and converted into a money minting machine for the greedy leaders who make big business in the name of religion. This is true about every one. Religion has become the biggest threat to world peace and the sooner people understand the thugs doing business in the name, the better for the world peace. A revolutionary like Bhagat Singh, who wrote against religion and caste and had the courage to shave off his beard and hair, thus become symbol of ‘Jaat’ ‘pride or simply ‘ Chhora Jaat da’. When such things happen the Dalits would automatically opt for Udham Singh, a martyr who died for the cause of the country. Obviously, the mischief makers will create such divide based on caste for their own purposes leaving people fight. That unfortunately happened in Vienna.

That Sikkhism in Punjab is closely associated with power politics particularly as Akalies have used the Shiromani Gurudwara Prabandhak Committee ( SGPC) for their own purposes. The Gurudwaras help them control the sentiments of Sikh community. It is rare that this SGPC could ever come out against the caste based violence and caste system. If the caste based love affair meet with the worst form of action from the ‘grieved’ parents, it reflect to the very idea of society that exist in Punjab and how they inherit it elsewhere. The number of ‘honored killing’ or what could be suggested as ‘shameless killing’ by the Indian Diaspora, predominantly the Sikhs from Punjab reflects the ugly side of our growth pattern. Growth in term of economy can not really make a country great. Punjab’s caste discrimination actually reflect its ugly side that despite all this hoopla about Punjabiat, there is a darker side often hidden by our media and intellectuals.

There is no doubt about the fact the Sikhism was initially meant to demolish the caste system and idol worshipping. Guru Nanak’s message was universal and none can deny the important role that Gurudwaras played in social mobilization. It is an example. There is also little doubt that Punjab was better off then many other states in India in terms of violence against the Dalits. There was no brahmanical hegemony and Sikhism itself is a great way of life. But Punjab’s problem started with mixing of Sikhism with political agenda by various political parties. When SGPC become a part to control minds of people, then one can imagine the condition of the society.

One would have imagined that powerful movements like that of Nanak’s would have demolished the caste structure in Punjab. But contrary to that spirit, the caste discrimination grew because of feudal values. Punjab’s prosperity is because of the Dalit labour work harder in Punjab. The influence of Sufism in Punjab was tremendous and finding caste discrimination rampant the Majhabis and Ravidasis started their Deras and sects. And today the number of these Deras are over 300 in entire state.

Punjab’s Dalits mostly wanted to fight a religious battle through religiosity. Revolutionary Sufi saint Ravidas wrote “ Paradhinata paap hai, jaan lehu re meet, ravidas das pradhin se kaun karre hai preet’ meaning, please understand that enslavement is sin, Saint Ravidas says,who loves an enslaved person. Now such a person who talks of freedom. He says that those who studied Vedas were called Pandits ( Knowledgeable) and those who make your shoes were called Chamars. How can you divide one human race into so many caste and Varnas?

Ravidas attacked the brahmanical system and the Dalits in Punjab got liberation in his spiritual values. Many of the Ravidasis shifted to Europe and America and have actually followed the same pattern as the SGPC and other upper caste Sikhs in Punjab. When money floats a lot and not much to work, you only develop empty institutions for the purpose of religious change. Punjab’s religious sects are more spiritual in nature and have rarely helped the Dalits to get out of the Hindu varna fold. And therefore, the Dalits gets agitated on the issues when the religious leaders face threat or attacked which is absolutely right, yet the same people do not get agitated when their rights are not honored, when their daughters are discriminated and molested. It is the question one has to address.

I always wonder why Chamars, one of the most enlightened communities among the Dalits could get political wisdom in Uttar-Pradesh yet remain on the margin in Punjab despite better economic status. The answer was clear that in Uttar-Pradesh, despite poverty, they embraced Ambedkar’s methods of fighting a battle politically. In Punjab, it is still a spiritual battle for getting recognition. It is still the concentration of one sect and one cult and without much social change. The focus there have been more on more institutions, temples, charitable causes a clear pattern of the Sikhism which always believed in charity. Ofcourse, charity do not grant you right and in fact some time takes them away from you. Hence the issue of Punjab’s Dalit’s identity can not really get resolved through controlling Gurudwaras but in more enlightened political battle.

In the morning, I spoke to a friend in Punjab. I thought he was much agitated on the issue but then found that he did not belong to the same sect and hence he was not very happy with current turn of events. Punjab’s Dalits are powerful enough to give the powerful people a run for their money. Economic changes have given them a lot of things but they will have to understand that they will only be helping the status quoists if they do not raise their issues on a broader political front. Just using the spiritual battle will take you nowhere. One can understand that as long as the Jaat Sikhs will have their leadership from the powerful SGPC, the Deras will continue to provide alternative to Dalits. The incidents in Vienna are not isolated. It is basically to control the Sikh mind. Such incidents are not happening suddenly. Prejudices are being played by the political masterminds.

Not many years ago we saw the incidents to control Gurudwara in Talhan, in Jullandhar. As the Dalit’s assertion will try to match the upper caste power in Punjab, these issues will continue to threaten peace and harmony. The upper caste Sikhs seems to be deeply concern of the growing power of the Ravidasis and Majahabis, particularly those living abroad. The control is coming through the NRI money and therefore it is important for them to teach a lesson. Charges are leveled against Ravidasis that they disrespect the Gurugranth Saheb. It is absolutely false as I have attended their congregations in Punjab and found them extremely well versed in the Granth Saheb and respecting it. It is another matter that they recite the verses of Ravi Das also and there is nothing wrong in that. However, the real fear of those who disagree with the Ravidasis is their cry and matching power with the upper caste Sikhs. Like the statues of Ravidas Maharaj in the Gurudwara is a matter of heart burn for many of the upper caste Sikhs but then why should they have a problem with that. If you do not allow them to your Gurudwaras and if the Churas and Chamars (Punjabi Dalit writer Balbir Madhopuri’s autobiography clearly mention how the upper Caste Gurudwaras discriminated against the Dalits) continue to be treated like animals and discriminated against then these Deras would always provide them a strength. The Sikh leadership which predominantly hails from the upper caste background need to start a process of reconciliation and it will not work by calling a meeting of the upper caste parties. Punjab’s problem is the increasing gap between the Sikhs and the Dalit Sikhs. The Sikh leadership has failed to realize this issue and became equally brahmanical in nature therefore ignoring the vast interests of the Dalits in Punjab. Punjab’s Dalit need sharing in power and respect at every forum. Such threat as emerged from Vienna which tried to eliminate the spiritual leadership of Dalit will only anger them and create a further wage between the two communities which will end in clashes and fragile peace in Punjab, perhaps more dangerous than what we saw in the height of violence in Punjab in 1980s.

Prachanda's tryst with dissent

Democracy of Convenience in Nepal

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat

Nepal is facing the biggest crisis after the formation of new democracy. Prime Minister Prachanda has resigned after his government was reduced to a minority as partner UML party which has 108 members in the Parliament withdrew its support on the issue of sacking of the Chief of Nepal army General Katwal. The Maoist blamed him for being pro Indian and resisting the inclusion of their 19000 cadres which fought against the military. General Katwal and many other political parties felt that these political cadres of the Maoists will be a grave threat and the army would then be indoctrinated. Ofcourse, it is a fact the same army was under the royalty and was considered to be an obedient supporter of the erstwhile royalty.

The Maoists are in the street. Prachanda seems to have gone back to where he belonged to, which is guerilla warfare. The Nepalese political system, which was held to ransom by an autocratic monarch, is now sandwiched between the forces of democracy and those who use democracy to hijack it.

One needs not to be an analyst to see why Prime Minister Prachanda resigned so fast. Nepal’s people are completely disappointed with the current lot of politicians and the Maoists raised hopes for them but current problems that cropped in Nepal, could not really provide them with innovative ideas or radical ideas. The economic disparities remain the same. The long lines for petrol and diesels could always be seen at the petrol pumps. The economy was in doldrums. The former gorillas were now power centre with gunmen surrounding them and distancing them from the people.

But now the historical moment of democratizing the Nepalese society seems to be slipping out of Nepal’s hand. Prachanda and his comrades seem to fuel anti Indian sentiments to further their own agenda which has never been democratic. It is strange that the forces of change, as they claim, are afraid of democratic dissent. It is the irony of democracy that it becomes victim of anti democratic forces who use democracy for their vicious agenda. We have in India, all the anti democratic forces, riding on the wave of democracy to further their casteist and hate agenda.

However, Nepal looked an exception. Nearly 10 years war of the Maoists against the Monarch, whose stories were well established in the political circle, whose anarchist son would rampage at any place to fulfill his whims and fancies, the people of this kingdom, joined hand and revolted against the age old monarchy. To the credit of the Maoists, they forced the dictatorship of the monarchy out. Had they been not there, I would bet, the Nepalese congress and other political parties did not have the courage to tell the King to leave the Narayanhiti place, which is now a national Museum.

In August, after Prachanda assumed the charge of the nation, a lot of things were expected. Prime Minister took oath in a different way; of course, his red tilak was always there. His deputy Babu Ram Bhattarai have been more argumentative on the issue of breaking the ‘feudal’ structure of Nepal. The prime minister actually in a recent international conference organized by International Land Coalition and government of Nepal argued for a scientific land reform. All his ministers have been talking about it. For us it was a difficult preposition but then Bhattarai said that many of the old mindset in Nepal still resists their original ‘revolutionary’ land reform and hence they undertook a middle path and said it will be ‘scientific’ land reform.

Both Prachanda and Babu Ram Bhattarai, may not be ignorant to the blatant casteist society in Nepal. It flourished during the regime of the king who considered himself as the incarnation of Lord Vishnu. Unfortunately, the ‘revolutionaries’ in Nepal keep a conspicuous silence on it. After hearing them so many times, none of them ever use the word ‘ Dalits’ or ethnic minorities to describe about oppression and exploitation. Why is the current regime of Nepal living in a continuous mode of denial, and does not say a single word against the atrocious caste system of Nepal? Fighting war against feudalism is welcome but the caste oppression in Nepal is not just feudalism. It exists even among the poor. So a poor Brahmin is not equal to poor Dalit as being projected by the Maoists. A visit to many of these areas of Nepal suggest how the Dalit still face boycott and tyranny of the upper castes in the villages, schools still have the same structure, water is not available to Dalits, job reservation is not meant for them and hence if Prachanda and his company talks of ‘scientific land reform’, one sincerely hope, it wont be the rigged ‘reforms’ as the CPM has done in West Bengal, which never reached the Dalits. Contrary to this, these progressive left actually turned oppressor against the Dalits as their ‘perceived’ notion that ‘caste’ does not exist simply because they do not believe in it. In the name of looking ‘progressive’ by using ‘internationally’ ‘acceptable’ terms of class, feudalism etc, the Maoists seem to be defending a status quo in Nepal which subjugated people for centuries. The Dalits in Nepal are looking for a change, a democratic one which gives them opportunity to develop. A mere manufactured consent of Dalit yes to their ‘initiative’ will not suffice.

Having tracked down their issues, I am amazed that none of them ever raised the issue of how the ‘cult of Kumari’ which is nothing but a ‘celebration’ of virginity and patriarchical feudal values are still allowed and none of the revolutionaries are seen speaking against the same. Similarly, a majority of the landless labours, share croppers in Nepal are Dalits. What stops the Maoists to speak openly on the issue and develop Dalit leadership and not just show pieces who do not raise the issue of caste discrimination and continue to ‘fight’ against ‘feudalism’ or simply ‘samantshahi’.

Now, the situation in Nepal is alarmingly changing. More and more anti India rhetoric are on the air. One can understand that New Delhi actually messed up things in such a way that average Nepali feel that India does not respect them as an independent nation but simply as another state of India. It is ironical that all the democratic movements in Nepal never had an Indian support. May be because of the government of India’s policy of not offending a neighboring power, the Maoists propaganda worked that India is not interested in strengthening the democratic system there. But at the end of the day democracy has to come through our own struggle and interference from an external power would not work.

Immediately assuming the power, Prachanda went to China. The government of Nepal wants a similar treaty with China as it has with India. While every country is free to make its choices, one is sure that Prachanda and his friend know that culturally India and Nepal are closer and any thing on part of the Maoists to go against that would not work in Nepal.

When the Nepal fought against tyranny of the king, it was people’s desire to be free from the shackles of monarch and dictators. The Maoists played a lead role in getting rid of the oligarchs who destroyed Nepal. But then democracy throws strange results. It brings to the forefront those forces, who do not have faith in democracy. The fifty years of Indian democracy has the similar experience when the feudal forces got legitimized through democratic set up. In Nepal, Prachanda and his associates harped much on the Chinese vision and blamed India for every evil.

One has to understand why the Maoist government was keen to establish itself beyond India. The fascination comes from various aspects. One, Chinese brand of people’s democracy has no faith in dissent and the Maoists actually failed during the past few months. Their working pattern was no less than feudalistic like our own monarchs who pretend to represent the poor. Secondly, Prachanda’s own son has no good record than Paras, the autocratic son of former king. The expectations that the Maoists raised to its cadre actually were fast receding and therefore they needed the rhetoric.

One needs to ask the question to the Maoists and all those sympathizers. How can they include their cadre into the army of a country? Is Nepal a moist country? As an ideology, one should not afraid of it, but as a nation Maoists and Nepal can not be used in interchangeable term. Nepal as a nation is much bigger than Prachanda and his Maoist army. Nepal paid a price of the submissive royal devotees as army chief. Now if the royal Nepalese army is being replaced by the one loyal to Prachanda, then one can for sure understand that Maoist war against the Monarchy was not on pure ideals of democracy but to thrust their way of dictatorship on a nation which is asking for more democratic liberal values.

Country’s armed forces, educational institutions, judiciary and media need to be free from these ideological biases. If Nepal has to develop then they can not have a democracy hijacked by those who do not believe in it and want to use it for their own nefarious purposes. Nepal’s tryst with destiny is to open itself to its diverse population, ethnic minorities and destroy the age old feudal structure led by the priestly class amply supported by the King. Unless that priestly class is attacked, the slogans of ‘revolution’ will remain the biggest humbug. Unfortunately, the Maoist government was not bothered to use this terminology. May be because they feared the issue of representation of the Dalits with in the party and government will always be raised.

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Democracy may have many flawed. We witness it in India but democracy at the end is a level playing field. Whether we like it or not, Lalu, Ramvilas, Maywati, Narendra Modi and Prakash Karath are the reality of the day in India. Such things are not that easy in Nepal. The Dalits with in the communist set up are afraid to speak up against the brahmanical leadership of the political structure there in Nepal. One can understand the difficulties of the leadership in speaking plainly against the caste structure as a majority of them hails from one particular community and the top brass of the Communist Party of Nepal are particularly Brahmins. Ofcourse, there are a few showpieces as Dalit ministers very much like what used to be in India with mainstream parties in the past. The Maoists know it well that it is important to use this symbol of Dalit empowerment through individual ministers who fail to impress with their work.

It is important that Nepal find a way out. The Nepalese society is democratizing itself. It needs more diversity and the Maoists will never allow that diversity to function. No doubt the political parties have their problems and corruptions but the danger to Nepal may not come from corruption that much as from the centralization of forces and corruption of ideology. In the name of revolution, you can not confine people to a particular perception. Ideologies have to be fought with ideology. Nepal’s tryst lies with a vibrant democracy. For Indians who have always thought Nepal as their own part, it is better to lay off but definitely, the cultural ties between the two countries are so strong that the political leadership can not keep away from it. If the Maoists are really interested in a vibrant democracy then they will have to use their ‘indoctrinated’ cadre for political purposes rather than forcing them to join the army. For Nepal, the biggest danger is between different kinds of indoctrinated soldiers. Democracy gives ample space to every one to survive and opportunity to negotiate. One hope that the Prachanda led party will not put Nepal into turmoil again. The earlier one, they had pretence of a monarch but now every one has its say. Fighting against each other will only ruin Nepal. Time for all those who believe in democracy to come together and find a solution. Nepal can not afford another round of instability and killing of the innocent people. Again the monarchy is gone but the monarch is still witnessing. The Hindutva’s champions are sitting there and if the democratic polity fails in Nepal, the forces of patriarchy and monarchy will come through democratic mandate. Prachanda should visualize this and show more maturity and negotiating skills rather than mobilizing his rabble rousers in the street.

Democratise the polity

India’s tryst with Democracy

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat


Indian Justice Party’s candidate Lal Bahadur Sonkar, who was contesting from Jaunpur constitucney of Uttar-Pradesh was found dead, hanging on a tree yesterday. This famous town of Uttar-Pradesh, just about 40 kilometer from Varanasi, has never been that tensed. Sonkar, a Dalit himself was one of the candidates in the fray. The BSP had fielded Dhananjay Singh, who is well known here, not for his social work for his strong ‘muscles’. Whether some body is good or bad has become really a matter of convenience. Hence if Mulayam Singh embraced Kalyan Singh then he is not involved in demolition of Babari mosque. Gangsters are fighting elections and the courts are unable to do so but our government feel threatened with one Dr Binayak Sen that he has even been denied right to get medical test. Despite much voices of protest, this democracy, it seems, is afraid of releasing him from Jail that it does not feel shame of keeping him in Jail without any trial for the past one and a half year. So democracy is not just elections in five years, but our polity will have to be democratic.

Therefore it is not right here for me to mention about how our ministers are giving certificates about who is good and who is bad. While Varun Gandhi’s hate speech rightly placed him at the Jail, Mayawati yesterday gave a certificate to Mukhtar Ansari as ‘Garibon ka masiha’. Ofcourse, it is true that Mukhtar may not be as communal we make him and that his family has played an important role in India’s freedom struggle, but that does not exonerate him for the charges that he is facing in the courts of law.

During this election, we have seen worst kind of public speeches. And there is one common thing. While the Hindutva party is exclusively claiming that it can fight against ‘terrorism’ and ensure ‘National Security’, others are happy with positioning them as the sole champion of ‘secularism’ in the country. And hence Lalu want to bulldoze ‘Varun Gandhi’, like latter’s father did in 1975 at the Turkman gate in Delhi for beatification of the city. Muslims do not need these nautankis but solid promises as why they are left behind and what will parties do to ensure their faire participation in nation building. But we all know whether political parties have given tickets to them or not. A 12% Muslim society does not get 12% tickets even from so called secular parties. Even if they ask for it, the demand would be termed as communal. And here lies the tragedy of democracy.

Every body welcomed when a certain Jarnail Singh threw shoe on Chidambaram, despite the fact that jarnail actually betrayed his profession and became a ‘Sikh’. The problem in such perception is that when Congress party denied ticket to two of its sitting Member of Parliament’s m/s Jagdish Tytlor and Sajjan Kumar after the Sikhs have protested. The Hindutva party, whose goons were also involved in anti Sikh massacre in Delhi as many reports have proved and that Rajiv Gandhi won on an entirely communal mandate in 1984 which was based on hatred against Sikhs. Same thing is true about another gentleman called Narendra Modi, but he is the hero number one of the saffron party. We have hate mongerers given ticket from Kandhamal, in Orrisa. Problem with people like Jarnail Singh is that they open up their eyes when they feel their community is wronged. They keep quiet when others face such things. How can Akalis side with BJP which is accused of doing worst kind of pogrom in Gujarat. But then the record of Jaat Sikhs towards Dalits is well known in Punjab and we have faced their wrath in Shaheed Udham Singh Nagar, when I demanded land ceiling be imposed there as a majority of land has illegally been grabbed by the powerful Jat Sikhs from Punjab. The problem in democracy is that we give our version, speak the truth of convenience.

We all know politicians and political parties play games. They use words very carefully and reject that very next day. When Varun made that hate speech, the idea was to make his ‘entry’ into politics as the new hero of ‘Hindutva. The agenda was not this election but next one when a generation of the second generation of BJP leaders too would turn old and there is a dearth of leader who could claim to represent the youths of the country.

Tickets are being sold, money being pumped and election commission despite its role and monitoring is helpless as Netas are thick skinned. But the mass upsurge is equally happening. The urban middle classes are fed up with the current lot of political class while in the forest, the tribal and those who are victims of the current dispensation, are up in arms. So there is a wider disenchantment in public life.

We celebrate today the birthday of one of the greatest heroes of democracy and modernity. Yes, Dr Bhim Rao Ambedkar who brought 16 crore Dalits into national mainstream and made them believe in Democracy. Yet the same Ambedkar had warned in the constituent Assembly that if this democracy does not provide social and economic justice to his people, they will blow up the very structure of democracy we all have built so laboriously.

A democrat by heart, Ambedkar knew it well that ours is a democracy imposed on a feudal society, where the leaders always want to be looked as a messiah. He was prophetic when he wanted to liberate every individual. He did feel that individual is supreme but what happen today is the death that individual in our democracy. Democracy has become the best way to legitimize the illegal acts. Legitimise the goons to say that they are political leaders and that their misdeeds have been ‘approved’ by the people. Democracy today has made communities apolitical and depoliticized their thoughts. Hence you are really not voting to a party of ideology but voting to an individual who you feel belongs to your caste or religion.

I am not saying this has happened just now. Things evolve and evolution has come in such a way that it is very difficult for dissenting voices to contest elections when mainstream political parties are spending billions of rupees. When the big industrialists, mafias can fight election at their will or if they are barred from contesting the election, their ‘ideal wives’ take over therefore making democracy as a family business, then we must realize that writing is on the wall and that such things will not be helpful in promoting the ideas of social democracy as these things are anti democratic and are just stamping them leveled as democratic.
Hence democracy has become a game for entry into elitist circle. The choices are limited. Initially, this club has the domination of the upper castes now the membership has been extended to a few powerful individuals and parties from Dalit and shudra communities also so their quest is equally satisfied.

Uttar-Pradesh and Bihar are two politically volatile states. Many claimed that they have brought Dalit-bahujan revolution. However, after look at the village politics, I can say things are not that simple as our theoreticians make us believe. The churning of the Dalit backward communities happened in these two states. In fact, Bihar does seem much better than Uttar-Pradesh in this regard as people are now questioning politicians and it is not easy for both Lalu and Ramvilas to just hanker on ‘who stopped Advani’. People want work and politicians who raised aspirations and hope miserably failed them. Uttar-Pradesh experience or experiment of Sarvajan is on test. It succeeded in UP because of the peculiar caste equations and there is no guarantee of its success. Yet, the problem with this exercise is that that dominant upper caste communities have become stronger here and the Dalit remain victims. Now, they can not open their mouth. They have to vote to the people who are seen in the village lives as their enemies. And hence it is the travesty of the truth. A Sonker is killed because he is considered as vote –katua by his opponent. Dalit vote is transferrable hence the upper castes are bowing to Behinji for a ticket and got it. Hence we see an upsurge of upper castes particularly Brahmins in UP glorifying Mayawati as they have got much beyond their numbers. They are ready to play second fiddle and that too, only to Bahinji and not to Dalit community, as long as they get power and position and BSP has given them.

These elections mean a lot for people of India. They will mean a lot for Dalits and OBCs of India. Their politics will see a sea change. The cries of Indians who still have not got their due, the failure of democracy as providing justice are crucial factor. People will question. Netas can not be messiahs but will have to deliver. The biggest factor in democracy is the voices of Dalits, and marginalized. They will now question. Their vote matter but no work is done to them. If even after 60 years people are eating rats and snails in UP and Bihar, or Orissa and Andhra, then it is shame on us.

Democracy is not just elections. Democracy is the spirit. Democracy is how we respect people and take a decision by asking people. Is this happening. The distance between our political class and people is increasing. The political class feels that people are too proud of them hence they do not need to deliver. They feel that people are happy to see them hovering in helicopter. India is changed. The poor are changing. They will seek answer and the way Bihar has revolted and thrashed leaders, will be seen in public life.

It is important that we do not surrender our selves to political class. It is important that this political class just do not use us for its own purposes. Their agendas are big... they come in different names but at the end promote them selves as larger than life. People have aspirations from them but they never get filled. ‘ I have given them nothing but swar, i.e. voice, Lalu Yadav would often say, but he knows it well that people will not be satisfied with ‘Swar’ only, they need employment, they need job and they need justice.

The voices of people should not satisfy with electing one party or other. An awakened people can control their leaders. The parliament which is becoming a place where we surrender our sovereignty. Look how Binayak Sen is still languishing in Jail and our political leaders are contesting elections. What is the fault of Binayak Sen ? They have not been able to prove. He is a Naxalite, said the government. The voices of newspapers in Chhatisgharh are shut. So are our voices too. Democracy is becoming too strong for us to speak for those who the state feels ‘anti-national’, without proving their crime. We faced it. Such frivolous charges against any one who dissent with the establishment are the norms of the day. I have got such a charge from the intelligence that I am influenced by ‘ leftist ideology’. Is being a leftist a crime? While I am not that and discard the Naxal violence, not because they are violent but because we believe in democracy, freedom and choice and sadly the Maoists-Naxal do not believe in that. They still believe in their own confined world and protected fences and become sole arbitrator of people’s choices and ideas which is unacceptable.

As a person devoted to democratic values and freedom, I feel that the challenges are too big. Our political class does not understand the differences between ideologies and perception. They want to shut our voices in the name of isms. Whether it is Maoism, or naxalism or Islamism, our state feel threatened with ideology. Despite India being too big and diverse, people of India have decided to live together. It is not the politicians but a spirit of togetherness that bind them together. They will fight back against all anti democratic norms. Let us save democracy from the clutches of feudal lords.

The largest democracy of the world does not seek people’s opinion from displacing them. Who will allow them to displace them? The largest democracy in the world has its people, still carrying night soil over their head and cleaning shit, largest democracy still have huge number of child labor and bonded labor... the largest democracy has failed to provide justice and Dalits and Adivasis. It is making them enslaved. Democracy will not succeed in symbols and enlarging the elite clubs of billionaires. Democracy will succeed when every body will have freedom to dissent and live a life of dignity and self respect.

Let our political class not live in the caged past. Let them follow what Dr Ambedkar said ‘not to glorify our past and our village system’. Let the political class not take shelter in our great ‘culture’ and great ‘villages’ of India where our caste live and which still live in ignorance and nepotism, as Ambedkar prophetically mentioned. Unlike Mulayam Singh, whose son went to Australia to learn English language or Charan Singh who said he would stop computers by sending his son Ajit Singh to US to learn that, let the political class be honest enough to accept what they personally believe and behave. Let there be no duality in our life, one masked for people and other for our own selves. Our issues are bigger than English language. Our issues are bigger than poll rhetoric’s. Let us work to democratize our political class, our villages and socialize democracy otherwise, democracy will only be like surrendering our soveignity to a class which has no concern for people and which is hell bent on depoliticizing the whole society by deviating people’s issue and becoming individual centric. One must not expect too much from this exercise yet it is certain that a lot of churning will happen at the ground level as people are watching everything closely. Those people who think that rural poor do not understand thing and vote in emotions will have to eat their word after elections. Nobody can save a country or a society if intellectual become bankrupt. The spirit and ideas of Ambedkar are still alive and relevant, it is time we move ahead and spread his words and ideas in the true spirit of democracy and human freedom which will liberate us and give millions their dignity.

Implement Ceiling laws in Uttarakhand State

Kashipur Declaration

The Padyatra i.e. Footmarch organized by Uttar-Pradesh Land Alliance under the leadership of Mr Vidya Bhushan Rawat, human rights activist began from Golbohji forest village in Palia district of Uttar-Pradesh on December 13^th, 2008. After traveling 20-25 kilometer a day, the Padyatra finally culminated at Harinagar village in Kundeswari ( kashipur), Shaheed Udham Singh Nagar today on December 28^th, 2008. During these 16 days, the marchers did social audits of various villages, addressed village community meetings and talked to students in different colleges and schools. They talked about human rights, humanism and challenge of climate change and threat to our environment. Some of the activists well trained in miracle exposure programmes also displayed their skills in these educational institutions and village Panchayats. During these 16 days, the Padyatris stayed at village Panchayat Bhavans, slept in the tribal areas and visited large part of those villages which are still facing discrimination and exclusion in their daily lives either from social system or from the government departments.

The main reason of this Padyatra was to highlight the importance of land and livelihood issues of the Dalit-tribal communities in tribal region of Uttarakhand and Uttar-Pradesh. Communities such as Tharus, Boxas (a Primitive Tribal Group), Tongiyas is a matter of great concern as they remain isolated and excluded in the general set up of both the states. The condition of these communities is particularly alarming in Uttarakhand because of lack of understanding of Dalit-tribal culture and popular mass support. In the Tarai region the sale-purchase of tribal land is prohibited yet most the tribal land today has been transferred to dominant communities here. The tense peace exist here as these communities are so well oppressed that they find it difficult to explain their conditions to outsider as the goons of the powerful communities and land mafias always spy upon them. Both the Tharus and Boxas are victim of the forest department also and border police also.

In its last leg, the Padyatra reached Harinagar ( Kundeshwari) today. After 16 days and crossing over 350 kilometer of Uttarakhand and Uttar-Pradesh state, the reason of culminating the Padyatra in Harinagar, Kundeswari was to support the demand of over 150 landless Dalit families who have been fighting for their land rights for the past 20 odd years when they were brutally thrown away from the land they had been tilling for many years and which was declared ceiling surplus by the Commissioner of Kumaon, Nainital. Despite favorable verdict from the highest courts of the land, the government of the state did not have the courage to implement the ceiling act there and provide land to these peace loving people who had shown their faith in the constitution of India and did not resort to any unlawful activities. Social Development Foundation has gone to Supreme Court against the empathy of the Uttarakhand government against these people but shockingly the government of the state in a brazenly shamless way suggested that the Dalits do not hail from the district. In the same affidavit the government justify giving land to those Sikhs who were declared encroachers by the Supreme Court and who actually were responsible for excluding and discriminating against the Dalits. We ask the question to the state government as how come these people got land under ceiling act and what was the criteria used for them ?

Today, at the culmination of the Padyatra, this convention passed following resolutions:

1. The government of Uttarakhand must implement the land ceiling act in the Tarai region of the state and allow Chakbandi process immediately so that all those people who lost their land due to fraudulent mean get it. To resolve the cases of land frauds, the state government must form special land courts and fixed up a proper time frame for such resolution so that land mafia do not get strengthened by the tidy process of the law.
2. The government must show its true character of people friendly government and implement the Supreme Court verdict in the Escort Farms ceiling case. It must provide land to the landless Dalits who were part of the petition in both the Supreme Court as well as in the High Courts. The ceiling land can not be granted to those who are not eligible for it. The government can not abdicate its responsibility of serving the underprivileged sections of society.
3. Stop privatization and commercialization of natural resources. Our water and natural resources are not meant to mint profit for a few but the property of the great people of the state who have been living here for years in all the adverse circumstances.
4. Implement special schemes to bring Tharus and Boxas into mainstream of the nation and provide link roads, health and educational services in these villages.
5. Implement National Employment Guarantee Scheme properly in the tribal dominated areas and must allow civil society organizations to do social audit of these schemes.
6. This convention also condemns the role of administration and police in the entire episode particularly the intelligence agencies. It seems that the state government and its administration are unaware of importance of civil society organizations and their role in the nation building. This convention assure the government that the civil society organizations will always work in the public interest and are ready to cooperate with the government but we do hope that the government will take these fair and healthy criticism in the best interest of the people and democracy.
7. This convention also asks the Uttarakhand government to implement the Special Forest Act 2006 and distribute 2.5 acres of land to every landless forest dweller as defined by the law.
8. We also condemn the notices send to Tongiya community in Champawat district by the canal as well as forest department asking them to leave their land and pay heavy compensation. It is the travesty of the truth that people tilling their land for over 30-40 years have not been given their land entitlements and are being threatened to leave their land. This convention seek special protection for tribal communities as Boxas, Van Gujjars, Tharus and Dalit communities such as Chamars, Valmikis, Raysikhs and many other dalit communities living in the state. The government should provide them land entitlement as well as get them the possession of their land.
9. The land laws and their condition in the Tarai region is a matter of grave concern for all of us and if they are not resolved in time then the situation might turn out of control and will become explosive.
10. This convention also resolve that it would link these local movements to broader national movements for the land rights and ensure the fair participation of these people into the national mainstream so that a broader national understanding is developed on the issue of the condition of Dalits and Tribals in the Tarai region of Uttarakhand as well as Uttar-Pradesh.

We hope that the aims for which the Uttarakhand state came into being would be fulfilled and it becomes a peaceful state. We hope that such a state where people live in complete harmony and peaceful coexistence, become a model state so that such a module is replicated elsewhere. We hope that the Dalits, Tribals and minorities live in the state in not a compelling peace but in perfect harmony with their head high and full participation in the socio-cultural life of the state.

We, the activists of different civil society organizations gathered here hope that the government of Uttarakhand state will understand the importance of civil society movements, world over and will not treat them as ‘threat’. We take full responsibility to our statement and our work. A large number of our friends gathered here have long years of service record in social lives of different states and it would be a great insult to them to their services if the police and intelligence authorities question them every now and then seeking their details. We understand our responsibilities and agree to popular version of threat to our nation and difficulties of administration and police force. Yet, we all agree that we can not resolve our issues by covering them or shying away from the debates. In democracy the best way to resolve our issues are by acknowledging work of those too who remain dissenters and seek a dialogue with them. Introspection and appreciation of healthy criticism are two important factors which will make our democracy stronger and our country a great nation and society, a replicable civilization.

For National Land Alliance

Vidya Bhushan Rawat,

Convenor, Delhi

D.Leena, member, Delhi

For Uttarakhand Land Alliance,

Lallu Man Singh,

President, Boxa Jan Kalyan Samiti,

For Ambedkargaon Dalit Sangharsh Samiti,

Kishan Lal,

For Uttar-Pradesh Land Alliance,

Sudama Prasad Tyagi, Deoria

Ramji Singh, Chitrakoot

Sangeeta Kushwaha, Kushingar

Mushtaq Ahemd, Palia

Ramesh, Palia

Shamim Jahan, Palia

Hamid Khan, Ghazipur

Ishitiaq Ali, Maharajganj

Suman Singh, Ghatampur,

Munni Begum, Pratapgarh

Suresh Yadav, Mau

Tej Singh Bhandari, Banbasa

Sagir Ahmed, Palia

D.S.Negi, Delhi

A Raja who died as a Faquir

A Tribute to V.P.Singh
June 25th, 1931-November 27th, 2008

A man of Decency and Conviction
By Vidya Bhushan Rawat

V.P.Singh resigned from his prime ministership when the country was facing one of the worst crises after independence. The Hindutva’s juggernaut was unfolding and the Muslims were the obvious target. His acceptance of the Mandal Commission report ensuring 27% reservation had altered the political landscape of the country. The upper castes were up in the streets, immolating themselves blaming the government for compromising merit. Singh, who was the blue-eyed boy of the Indian elite class particularly the upper castes till then turned villain for his act of providing justice to backward communities. Yes that historical decision on August 7, 1990 changed the course of Indian history when the cabinet accepted the Mandal Commission recommendation and decided to implement 27% reservation for backward communities. India was never the same again. The political parties and realignment of the social justice forces began then. The Hindutva started its Kamandal Yatra from Somnath to Ayodhya to unite the ‘Hindus’ on the Ramjanambhoomi issue but quintessentially to bring them together under the brahmanical domination. The shudra-atishudra communities were cobbling together with Adivasis and determined to make a new rainbow coalition with minorities. The future looked tense for the Hindu upper caste as they decided to work on it. Both the Congress Party under Rajiv Gandhi and the BJP joined hand to dislodge a government, which fulfilled its responsibility to protect the Babari Masjid in Ayodhya. V.P.Singh resigned because the game political parties and over corrupted and ambitious leaders like Chandra Shekar, Devi Lal and Mulayam Singh Yadav played that time. It was the worst kind of politics, which destroyed the broader unity of these communities and paved the way for the right wing Bharatiya Janata Party, to come to power.

V P Singh remains one of the most hated politicians even after almost 20 years of demitting office. The Hindu upper caste would never forgive him for the single act of ‘Mandalisation’ of Indian society, which finally resulted in a clear change in India’s parliament. Though, he was often blamed that Mandal Commission Report was implemented to sideline Devi Lal. The fact was that implementation of Mandal Commission report was part of National Front manifesto. He was just following the manifesto. Moreover, even if he did it for political purposes, why did the champions of social justice not support it?

V.P.Singh was essentially a loner in politics. In the dirty word of politics, where personal loyalties are considered important and money plays an important role, he kept himself away from this. In his remarkable political career, he would be perhaps the only ranking in that top positions ( PMs, CMs and Ministers) who chose to live with great simplicity. His life was an open secret. One of the most accessible political leader, Singh never mind even sitting on Dharana with a few young activists and this was the reason why the social action groups working in the slums of Delhi found in him their patron. At the time when even the local corporation member do not travel without a few gun trotting guards and streams of vehicles Singh could shun publicity and security. In fact immediately after demitting the office, he asked the government to withdraw his SPG.

V.P.Singh is often charged with playing politics. His detractors found it difficult to counter him argumentatively as though Singh might not have been a rebel rouser in political sense as he never lost sight of decency and could mingle with people very easily speaking with them in chaste Bhojpuri, yet because of his sheer conviction and clean personal life, none of them could really challenge him. We all remember those hey days of 1986 when he was expelled from Congress Party and it did everything to stop him addressing public meetings. As youths we all saw in him a hope, an aspiration from getting rid of corruption, which the Congress party epitomized that time. Every where, the ruling Congress that time disrupted meeting, stopped permission for grounds, spied him privately and threatened action against him. His files were traced and journalists like M.J.Akbar were used to get stories published in newspapers like Hindustan Times and Telegraph that Singh has an account in St Kitts. The business-journalist-rightwing nexus is very powerful in India and politicians use it. Singh was perhaps the only politician who not only shunned businessmen but also the middlemen Babas. If he did not hesitate in raiding the industrial houses who were evading taxes particularly notorious Reliance during that time, he also tried to investigate the illegal accounts of our political class. We all know we do not have the proof but a large number of Indians have illegal money in Switzerland. And when an individual fight against the system, with in being part of system, he meet with the fate as VP Singh met. His close colleague Bhure Lal, who was director in the enforcement directorate were shunted. Singh was transferred to Defence Ministry. There also he found that heavy commission was paid in the HDW Submarine deal and ordered inquiry. The price was immense. He was expelled from the Congress.

At the time when our politicians cling with power, Singh was remarkably different. He never sought power, it came to him naturally. He was chief Minister of Uttar-Pradesh in 1980 and launched an anti dacoit crusade but that became a political issue as many of the backward class MLAs charged that the police was killing innocent people from backward communities. In this entire exercise, his own brother, who was a senior Judge of Allahabad High Court, was also killed by the dacoit and owning moral responsibility, he resigned.

It is often said that VP Singh’s Mandal action was mindless political exercise and that he had no conviction. But people forget that the Raja of Manda had already donated his entire estate land in the Bhudan movement. While people might remember him for the acceptance of Mandal Commission Recommendations yet there are many things for which history will always be grateful to him. His Mandal was not just a job exercise but he became a pivotal force in uniting all the progressive forces for social justice. Singh not only gave Ambedkar a due place in the history of India, in the centenary celebration of Baba Saheb Ambedkar, the entire literature of Baba Saheb got translated in Hindi and made available to all the countrymen. Not only Baba Saheb Ambedkar was posthumously awarded Bharat Ratna, his photograph also adores the Parliament House, which should have been done long back. Today, Ambedkar Jayanti is a national holiday and all the governments have to publish tribute to Ambedkar on his birth and death ceremonies. Whether they do it out of conviction or compulsion that is another matter but VP initiated the process and they remain unchangeable now. These things might look smaller and political but they are important when we see it from historical perspective of the people whose history have always been denied and unacknowledged. Today, Mandal, social justice, Ambedkar are matter of research not just for the Dalits but for the upper caste also. Much of the credit goes to his government, which did not compromised on the pulls and pressure and was determined to implement it. One major decision that the National Front government took that time was to grant reservation to neobuddhists, the scheduled caste who embraced Buddhism. It was deservingly a long-standing demand from the Buddhist community.

V.P.Singh was a unique personality. He never believed in the institutional niceties. Very few among us know that he lost his kidney because he sat on a hunger strike against the Bombay riots in 1993. It was an unusual sight as a former prime minister was sitting on a hunger strike. To save himself from going out to urinate, he stopped taking water and in turn lost his kidneys. Today the same Mumbai is bleeding and much of its credit goes to inapt handling of the communal situation by the various Congress government there particularly of Sharad Pawar who refused to take action against the Shiv Sena’s goons.

His determination was absolutely unparallel. During the past twenty years when he was suffering from not only blood cancer and renal failure, he survived and became more creative. He would invite activists, journalists for discussion during his dialysis. He would join protest marches, Dharanas straight after coming from Dialysis. For hundreds of civil society activists, he was an inspiration. Of late, VP Singh knew that he has little in common with the political class and more with the creative people and civil society movements and he became more accessible to all of us. Whether it was the issue of dying farmers in Vidarbha, or the issue slum dwellers of Delhi Singh was moving from one place to other. His energy level could shame the youngsters. During his prime time, he resorted to unusual things. In the famous Allahabad by-election, he campaigned in the cycle only. When he was Chief Minister of Uttar-Pradesh, he campaigned in the public transport. In 1989 he canvassed the entire north India in his car. It is rare that he ever traveled by helicopter and special planes. Today, we cannot even imagine that our political class could do so as all these things have become their gadget and prestige symbols.

Few things are important before I finish this. VP Singh made history and at every place that he went he fought with the system. He was a part of system yet refused to accept its finality. He played by his own game. He remained absolutely clean till end. None of his detractors can charge him of any kind of red-tapism and corruption which are hall mark of today’s politics. Despite all the insult heaped on him by the Congress Party and later his own Janata detractors like Mulayam Singh Yadav, he rarely responded to these. He only responded to those who any one charges him of his personal integrity. Journalists like M.J.Akbar became pawn in big game to defame him. Later Arun Shourie became his bitter critique and switched side to BJP championing the cause of Hindutva. Some body should ask Shourie about his morality when he wrote reams of paper on corruption in Reliance in the Indian Express when Singh was finance Minister and had launched his campaign against Reliance Industries. Every one of us knows that he was switched from that ministry after industrialists complained against him.

The middle classes liked his act. The Brahmins anointed him the title of Rajyarshi in Varanasi. Everything was great and Singh’s shirt was brighter than Rajiv Gandhi and for that matter any other politician of his time. But everything changed suddenly as his determination to stop the demolition of Babari Masjid by arresting Lal Krishna Adwani and his continuation of the Mandal Recommendation. He did not compromised on two important aspects of Indian constitution namely social justice and secularism. Ironically, his government fell for fulfilling its constitutional obligation by protecting the Babari Masjid. In the entire process VP Singh made himself one of the most hateful politicians in the country. Abused were hurled at him. He was painted as Jaichand. The upper caste media was always scornful at him but they could not ignore him. He was considered as a backstabber in his community while he could not become the leader of the Dalit OBCs. But much of it happened because the time when the seeds of Mandal started reaping fruits, VP Singh’s health became a major issue. He survived for so long because of his creativity and determination to life and work.

The Hindutva fanatics new that the Mandal is the weapon, which will demolish the brahmanical hegemony and it, happened. 20 years after VP’s uncompromising stand, we are witnessing a strange U turn and all those champions of social justice are now returning the compliments to Brahmins and upper castes by offering them tickets and seats, just to secure their power in the state and for the center. An entire movement which would have demolished the brahmanical structure in India is now on the verge of collapse because of not only shortsightedness of the political class but also the lack of probity, democratic spirit and corruption with in the social justice movement. Our leaders will fail us, it need a statesman like VP Singh to unite them. In the death of VP Singh India has lost a historical opportunity to integrate forces of social justice. One will have to wait for some one of his stature who could put aside his personal ambition to unite all Dalit Bahujan communities in the mainstream political formation as we pass through dangerous period where the Hindu fascist forces with their Islamic cousins are ready to acquire mainstream political formation putting aside all the forces of social justice. When RSS and Arun Shourie start quoting Ambedkar, we must understand that time has come to be more proactive and take the threat seriously. And the threat is bigger. It is coming from a mixture of religious rights with capitalist formation, which are hell bent to acquire land from the Dalit Adivasis. VP Singh was well aware of this threat and therefore he was in the forefront of movements for Dalit Adivasis and their rights. He spoke against SEZs and displacement and led the historic Dadari’s farmers movement against land acquistion by Reliance. It is time our Dalit-Bahujan MPs understand the growing threat of Hindutva’s communal virus as well as anti people capitalist agenda and develop a workable rainbow coalition, which VP Singh proved could work wonder for the entire country. The Raja who created ripples in the Hindi heartland, on whose call thousands of youngsters would jump in the street, died as a lonely man yet he cared less. He lived life on his own. The media might ignore him, the upper caste still hate him but the GO that he passed will remain unchanged as now the time of Dalit Bahujan has come and no power can deny them their rights. Only problem is brahmanical crookedness and the only way to stop is in the democratic structure and high personal integrity of the political class, which are claiming to represent us. VP was acceptable to all because of his high personal integrity and his reach to all political formation. For any future formations in the center VP’s Mantra of governance is an essential ingredient for survival.

VP Singh is no more. His detractors are laughing, as there is not much news in the media. There were a handful of his supporters when the body was being taken from his house in Delhi to airport . He was not in to party politics but the legacy that he developed is now in the power structures. Lalu, Nitish, Ramvilas, Sharad Yadav, Mulayam Singh all became power elite and did not feel shame in making alliance with BJP on the one hand and with the corrupt middlemen and corporate. VP did not heed to any middlemen and at the end remained alone painting and writing poetry. His did not have many friends and political parties, nor did his family has any stake in politics and therefore people might say that he met with his fate he deserve. But then V P Singh never cared for all this, he did what he liked and lived according to his convictions and ideals. Every decision of his had become milestone and remain ingrained in our constitution now hence whether we they like or not but the ghost of Singh will always haunts those upper castes in India who continue to believe themselves superior and meritorious.

Join UPLA Padyatra for land rights of Tharus

Padyatra : Land, Dignity and Freedom

Participate and support people's initiative for strengthening tribal rights for livelihood

Dear Friends,

The Tarai region of Uttar-Pradesh is bordering with Nepal as well as the state of Uttarakhand is the land of Tharus, Boxas and Tongias. These communities are living in forests for hundred of years but today face threat for dislocation in the name of preseveration of forest and balancing ecological order. What an irnony that the protectors of forests are termed as a threat to forest. Many of the Tharu villages have already been destroyed by the forest officials. A powerful matrilineal community like Tharus are facing severe economic hardship. The culture of Tharuhut is visible in Lakhimpur Khiri, Banbasa, Sitarganj, Shaheed Udham Singh Nagar districts of both Uttar-Pradesh and Uttarakhand state. Due to negligence of the state authorities, the Tharus remained on margins and thoroughly isolated. There are no educational instituions in the areas. As most of them live in and around forest villages, the forest departments and its officials use Tharus as a tool to extract money. Adjecent to these areas is famous ' Dhuwa National Park'.

Tharus were owners of the forests. So were Boxas. Very little is known about their culture and history. In this region, the Tharus consider them as legatess of Rana Pratap. Their traditional land remain mortgaged to big land owners, the Sikhs from Punjab who have been responsible for a complete demographic change in the region. The Sikhs were located here by the government during the partition days but over the years the community have used their 'wisdom' to extract land from the illterate and poor tribals, the result is the growth of big and illegal farm houses in the region. Even when the land can not be sold to no tribal in this region, you will find to your utter surprise that Tharus and Boxas have become virtually beggers and slaves in their own land.

Apart from this, Dalit communities in Uttarakhadn state face complete isolation socially as well as politically. The battle for Escorts Farms limited in Kundeshwari reflect that anti Dalit stand of the Uttarakhand government. Despite winning the case in Supreme Court and reprimand by the Lokayukta, the government officials are shamlessly pursuing neo liberal agenda. Out 1167 hectares of land, they have distributed more than 450 to non Dalits and rest is going to horticulutre department and SIDCUL. The state authorities are hell bent not to give land to Dalits reflect the brahmanical nature of our state.

To raise the consciousness of these communities and highlight various such issues of land and forest rights violaion, Uttar-Pradesh Land Alliance is starting a foot march ( Padyatra) from December 13th, 2008. The Padyatra will begin from village Golbhojhi, Chandanchowki, Khiri district. It will cover many villages in the forest areas of Tharu locations. On 18th, it will enter Dhangarhi ( Nepal) where the Padyatris will halt for night and share their experiecnes with their Nepaliese counterparts.

The Padyatris will visit Mahendra Nagar, Nepal before entering to Banbasa, Uttarakhand in the night of December 20th. From there the Padyatra will visit the Tongia settlements in the forest areas who have not got their legal entitlment even years after living there. The yatra will cover, Khatima, Sisaikhera, Kichcha, Rudrapur, Kelakhaida and culminate at Kundeswari village, in Shaheed Udham Singh Nagar, where the Dalit landless workers have waged their constitutional fight against the mighty land owners and defeated them in the court of law and yet became victim of the highly insenstive Indian state for not implementation of the Supreme Court verdict, on December 28th, 2008.

Our Invitation : Uttar-Pradesh Land Allaince invite you to participate in the Yatra and donate in cash and kind for it. The weather conditions might be terribly cold so those who wish to participate here must bring their blankets and woolen cloths. Ofcourse, you will be able to see the Tharu hospility and wildlife. Dudhwa National Park is one of the biggest Wild Life Sanctury in the region. You will also find the uniquness of yatra entering Nepal and then to Uttarakhand and interact with the community people there also. UPLA remain committed to secular progressive ideals and is fighting against the caste oppression as well as women's right over resources hence our invitation extend to only those who respect basic human rights of communities and respect individual's right. We are committed to diversity and secular cause hence this invitation is not meant to those who want to flare of communal questions. More over, we believe that communities living for hundreds of years in forest can not be dislocated from their culture and history without fair consultation as well as rehabilitation in case it is essential. Please contact us in case you would like to participate or assist us. It is not necessary to be there for all 15 days but there is no bar on your stay. Our only thing is that the weatehr conditions will be unpredictable and severe cold, so those who enjoy naure and diversity, this is the right time. You must enjoy it and learn to live with communities and see how difficult they are facing their life. Yes, this Padyatra is a solidarity with all those communities who are denied human rights to live with dignity even 60 years after independence. It is our way to say that ' we care' for them and we stand with them in their struggles for dignity and human rights.

In Brief :

Date of starting : December 13th, 2008 at forest village Golbojhi, Chandanchowki, Khiri district UP

In Nepal on December 19th and 20th at Dhangarhi and Mahendra Nagar.

Entry in Uttarakhand through Banbasa on December 20th.

Culmination at : Kundeshwari, Shaheed Udham Singh Nagar district, on December 28th, 2008

For Uttar-Pradesh Land Alliance

Suman Singh,

President

Ms Munni Begum,

Vice President

Ram Chandra Prasad

Convenor

S.P.Tyagi,

Tharu Development Society

T.S.Bhandari

Uttarakhand Development Institute, Banbasa

D.Leena

Social Development Foundation,

Delhi

and

Vidya Bhushan Rawat

Social Development Foundation, Delhi

Dalit women's issue can not be left to men only

Samvad : Ms Rajni Tilak, Director, Centre for Alternative Dalit media and Dalit right activist

Ms Rajni Tilak, 50, is a Dalit human rights activist, writer, feminist. A fiercely independent woman, she has been a grassroots activist all along, supporting various issues of social and national concern. With her own admission, she says that she was born in a conservative family. She was the first to form a -progressive Student Organization in ITI Shahadara Delhi. Her education was very difficult, as her father never liked the idea of getting her educated beyond 11^th standard. Her Mother however, was a strong votary of her education and she continued and finished her BA Rajni Tilak is now organising Dalit women and is also working with Center for Alternative Dalit Media (CADM). In a conversation with Vidya Bhushan Rawat, she explains why the Dalit movement need to rethink on the issue of women empowerment.

VB: Rajni, could you tell me your back ground. What were the conditions from which we grew up and how you cope with the social inequality? Dalits may be maltreated with the upper caste Hindus but when the family pattern is concern, they follow the same brahmanical feudal tendencies towards their woman. What is your impression about your society?

RT: I was a member of Progressive Dalit Organisation in 1978 and was instrumental in forming a college student union in ITI Shahdara, New Delhi. My father was a traditionalist and did not want me to go to college and hence my education was discontinued from 11^th onward. My mother however, was progressive and allowed me to join technical courses in ITI for stenography and dress designing. I did BA as a private student and started school for Dalit students in slums of Seelampur. Most of our stduents were Dalits and Muslims. We organised the Anganwadi workers in Delhi and made a trade union of theirs. About 4000 Anganwadi workers were demanding for a proper pay scale as they were just being provided with an honorarium for their work, with no social security. Then I was appointed in a government service in Mumbai and later on transferred to Delhi, where I started working with Saheli a women’s right group.

VB: What were your experiences with Saheli. Traditionally, the women’s group in India have rarely questioned the patriarchal structure of society and secondly most of them have been out of touch with the Dalit woman who is the most oppressed as she has to face two stigmas in the society: one being a woman and other of a Dalit. Please comment?

RT: Actually, at Saheli, women’s issues were never meant for the poor women. They were for the high society basically counseling the upper middle classes regarding the marriage, divorce. They would often term that women don’t have caste. they all are oppressed. How could I agree to such a notion? How can u say that the all women are same? The same upper caste women would never allow the dalit women to roam near them.

VB : Rajani, what were your objection to Women’s reservation bill?

RT : You know the first thing they have to realise is the difference between a Dalit women and caste women. After years of struggle for social justice, now members from lower sections of society are making it to Parliament and state assemblies. This is not an old phenomenon but a post 90s situation. Now, the brahmanical forces are apprehensive of this unity and majority of the down trodden in the top decision making body. So, they have come with the argument of women’s reservation. The point is that they are not interested in women’s emancipation. Hindutva cannot emancipate women. Secondly, our problem is that dalit women are not educated and don’t easily come up. If reservation were not made for them, the entire women’s seat would be taken over by the upper caste women. It will again be the brahmanical rule in India through their women. The women from minorities, and other backward classes have the similar problem and hence the government must ensure reservation of seats for them as well.

VB : But Rajni, don’t you think that when a Bhagwati Devi, who is a Mushhar,( a Dalit community in Bihar and UP, who were among the most oppressed, eating rat was their profession), can come to Parliament without any reservation, Dalit and other women can also make it there. Don’t you think that in actual, our political class as a whole doesn’t want women’s reservation as most of them fear to lose their seats of Parliament. Don’t you think that even if reservation is provided for Dalits, OBCs and Minority women, it would be the beti-bahu-biwi brigade who will gain and not the grass root activists like you. How do you confront this issue?

RT: Yes, I agree with this. Women’s situation in the Dalit movement is really bad. It is still in the grip of brahmanical standard, middle class values where women is considered as an object and if you challenge these notion than you are treated as faminist. The problem is that Dalits are borrowing all the rubbish of brahmanism as if our goal is brahmanism. Our problem is that we don’t except that we are exploited in the society. We need more struggles for women’s emancipation. So far we are unable to come out of the brahmanical Sanskaras, which means some women may be economically independent but not independent for decision making. So, we need to reject this Hippocratic value system in the name of culture but unfortunately, these things are coming without any fight and hence it cannot change the system. For changing the system we have to reject the religious code because religion is the root of exploitation of women and at present the women’s who form our political leadership whether Dalits or non Dalits are unable to come out of this patriarchal structure.

VB: Coming to your patriarchal point, let me narrate an often-used phrase among the Dalit intellectuals. ‘Roji-beti’ ka rishta, they would often term whenever they are questioned about a dialogue among various Dalit groups. Don’t you think that as a rationalist dalit activist, such terminology’s which make women as product are contemptuous and must be rejected henceforth?

RT : Yes, ofcourse. I find it strange that while the upper caste women are getting in to love marriages, self arrange system, our society is more and more isolating itself from others. We have our own ghettoes. The same people, who cry loud on this, would find it difficult to digest if their daughter get married outside their caste fold and without family permission. I have seen how many of them tried to stop the marriages of their daughters and relatives if she did it without their prior permission. Dalit males are more rigid in their attitude towards their women.

VB : Don’t you think that we are too much in symbolism than working at the grassroots. I mean to say : many Ambedkarite would ask about your biradari and caste and religion before believing you. Dr Ambedkar was an iconoclast yet the number of his statutes are increasing.. His disciples are satisfied with them only?

RT: Yes, the fact is that these so-called Ambekdarites have lost touch with the masses. When you lose touch with masses, you lose your legitimacy and to legitimise yourself you are in the symbol business. We have seen people criticising Brahmanical religion yet

On the 6^th December and 14^th April worship Babasaheb like any other godly idols. Is it correct? Why to follow the Brahmanical pattern. We need to strengthen our identity and assertion of identity is not in symbols but in ideology. Unfortunately, the ideological part is missing from those who make much hype on symbol still people are fighting at the grassroots and reading literature on Ambedkar and by Ambedkar.

VB: Do you think we need to highlight contribution of other people who fought for Dalit rights and social justice apart from Dr Ambedkar?

RT: Baba Saheb Ambedkar is the root of Dalit identity and we must propagate him to enlighten the Dalit communities yet there is also a dire need to focus on other great Dalit intellectuals and leaders like Jyoti Ba Phule, Savitri Bai Phule, EV Ramaswamy Naicar, Srinarayan Guru and other local heroes who have never been highlighted. And that’s why our National Federation of Dalit Women, we decided to bring more about women Dalit leaders. I wrote a book on Savitri Bai Phule which was very well received as people want to read about the struggles of these people and who else could be the best person to be followed regarding women’s education than Savitri Bai Phule who fought against the upper caste tyranny on Dalit women for educating them.

VB : What are you doing to popularise the Dalit literature ?

RT : We are already doing many thing through CADAM which is Center for Alternative Dalit Media. It was an alternative media to voice the issues of Dalits. We decided to print literature on Dalits intellectuals and leaders and provide them to masses on cheaper rates. Our monthly journal ‘Abheemooknayak’ is already reaching to a large number of Dalit activists and we plan to popularise books through this channel. We want to publish small booklets so that people can easily read them and keep them safe. Big books are costly as well as people don’t read them.

VB : What do you think the impact of Economic Policies on Dalits ? Many Dalit ideologues support economic liberlisation as an instrument, which will liberlise Dalits ?

RT : How can the economic policies help the Dalits ? It has already hit them with shrinking government and public sector? Will the private companies or multinationals go for job reservations for Dalits ? In the villages their traditional occupations are under threat? I don’t understand how people come to conclusion that economic liberlisation will help liberlise dalits ? Today, our economic sovergnity is under threat. The multinationals are coming and they will rule the country through the local ruling elite.

None of them will offer jobs to dalits. The jobs will only be in the fourth class. Another important point to mention is education sector, which is going to be costlier. Where will poor dalits, agricultural labour, landless worker send his children if government schools are closed ? Even the middle classes will find it difficult to work. There is no place for health security. Government hospitals are good for nothing yet they used to provide some satisfactions. Today everything government is considered bad. Today the concept of welfare state is considered to be outdated but can we do justice with dalits without being a welfare state? How can any one supporting the NEP will be a supporter of Dalit cause. Dalits are getting more marginalised in the new pattern of things and we must expose them and oppose them vociferously.

VB: What do you think about the role of International institutions, especially Ambedkarites living abroad? And how could they help the existing dalit movement in India.

RT: So far the International Dalits have never helped the grassroots movements in India. They should institute some fellowships and other financial help to those who have been working for the Dalit cause, so that they don’t depend on others. Let me make it clear that NGOs could be good at education, literacy, developmental work but they cannot make a movement. A movement could only built by the inherent ideological strength of the people. Fortunately Dalits have that ideological strength in the form of Ambedkarite movement, Periyar’s movement in Tamilnadu and that of Jyotiba Phule’s movement in Maharastra. Dalit movement has to be radical in approach and anti brahmanism is the root of dalit movement and dalit ideology.

VB: What about political power for Dalits? Don’t you think without social transformation things are getting worst?

RT: We must be politically conscious but not ambitious. From ambition I don’t mean we should not be ambitious but the internal unity and inner dalit dialogue is getting hampered with various ambitious people in different communities. Their political ambition is the root of all the problems and failure of different communities coming together. Rather than political ambition, if we mobilise people on social basis, I am sure the unity will be stronger than the political unity. Look at 1992 SPBSP combine had attained political unity but social unity was never there and hence it broke with the egos of our political leaders. Dalits issue is not simply with politics and political representation. It is a social battle. a battle of honour and human rights of every dalits so

we have to fight a long term battle. The NGO culture in Dalits need to rejected, as it will be harmful for the movement. NGOs can do good work in different fields but definitely they cannot make a movement. And for the liberation of Dalits we need strong radical anti brahmin movement which should be based on rationality. In the absence of a movement we will not be able to make a pressure on the government.

VB : Finally, Rajni, do you think that time has come now for dalit women to ask for their reservation with in dalit quota?

RT : Yes, it is important that Dalit women be given reservation within Dalit quota otherwise the male chauvinism will kill the dalit movement. It will remain as brahmanic as any body else.. Perhaps more brahmanic then the bramins themselves as we have not allowed our women to come forward. In the absence of women quota, rigidity against women will continue as everybody want to use his quota for his son. It is important that we raise this issue now but the problem is if I raise this question many people will term me a faminist or talking against the interest of Dalits. Is it wrong to talk for the liberation of Dalit women and demand for reservation with in the quota.

VB : Almost 15 years later Mandal II again threatened the very dignity of the Dalits even when they were not at all benefited from it. Interestingly, this time, there was not much protest even from the upper castes. A handful of urban elite led by the uppercaste doctors of the All India Institute of Medical Sciences, this time it was a media event. As a person doing much work with the issue of alternative media, what do you think, should, the intellectuals of Dalit movements as well as those of the other marginalized communities do? Where did the upper caste media fault reporting the Mandal events ?

Rajni : Actually whenever people talk of reservation there is a wrong feeling about SCs and STs getting benefited from it. The same thing happened with the anti mandal agitation which had nothing to do with the Dalits, as it was more for the OBCs. Today, reservation is for women also but when the doctors agitated they unnecessarily brought the issue of Dalits as if they were getting benefited from the current sort of reservation. Media showed a bias against the Dalit doctors. When they protested in Patna, it was reported that they attacked the media. Media itself became a party in the entire campaign against the Dalits.

It is not that Dalit did not respond to this. Unfortunately, it is the Dalits only who were visible supporting the reservation issue. The OBCs who were to be benefited from this were seen no where. Where were they ? Perhaps, they did not want to come along with the Dalits. I am shocked that Gujars who fought for separate reservation in Rajasthan asking quota from tribal quota did not join the protest in support of quota at the AIIMS. Perhaps because the Gujars themselves practice untouchability with the Dalits and would never like to stand with them. In this entire exercise women are completely left behind. Dalit/OBC/minority women did not even know whether something was being done for them. None of our leaders talked about it.

VB: Even after the Durban summit, gender issue remains on the margin with in the Dalit movement. Does the issue of gender really threaten the Dalit movement as some of the ‘thinkers’ perceive. What should the movement and its leaders do to change this situation. Do you think that this is an important issue and need priority.

Rajni: This is unfortunate because men feel insecure. It is this fear that women are being pitted against them to thwart the movement is a completely brahmanical idea of patriarchy. How can we allow such brahmanical values dominate our movement. It is important that we allow women to participate in higher level bodies. Allow them to participate in the movements from very beginning and you will never find any shortage of women leaders in the movement.

VB : What do you really think of empowerment ? In Uttar-Pradesh, BSP is in power with Mayawati as chief Minister. The upper castes are happy on the ‘social engineering’ done by bahinji but the fact is that the real losers are the Dalits as their participation has reduced. The assault on them continue without any reduction and Brahmins are enjoying the most glorious moments of their life in UP and its power game. Where are Dalits and dalit women in particular in this entire exercise.

Rajni: Actually what Mayawati is doing is ‘mainstreaming’ the Dalit politics but the problem lies in this ‘mainstreaming’ as it ignore the demands and issues of the Dalit masses and caters the need of the ‘others’. She is doing everything that every other party is doing. There is nothing called social engineering. Congress was doing it earlier. BJP has done it, Samajwadi Party was doing it. However, I can not call Mayawati, a feminist leader in any term as women are rarely the strength of BSP. She has rarely spoken in term of woman, neither does she want to be categorized as woman’s leader only. But that apart, there is no extra effort on her part to give women a chance in her party. That is painful. There are not even one percent women leaders in BSP. A leader can put her vision into the party and people will follow that but unfortunately that has not happened. People feel community empowerment is more important than woman. A woman is never part of our power structure whether in party or in community.

However whatever she ( Mayawati) is doing it is more as politics of tokenism yet despite this for millions of Dalit masses she is a hope. Hope that she would get them justice, a woman who could be prime minister of India and is fighting against every odd. It is dangerous and the biggest damage is being done to Ambedkarite values and ideas. How can there be a politics sitting with the exploiters and casteist people. How can we claim to be legatee of Ambedkar, Jyotiba Phule and others if we sit with those whose very ideas are very antithesis of the foundation of Dalit movement. But this is not the end. I am hopeful that people will learn from these experiments and will find new alternatives in future.

VB : In the past one decade we have seen the growth of the Dalit writers. There is talk of ‘ Dalit Sahitya’. Lot of new definitions came up. Particularly in Hindi, a number of women writers are also coming up. What difference you see between the traditional writings by the Dalit activists and new writing emerging from the Dalit women. What is the difference between the perception of the Dalit women with that of the mainstream Dalit writings.

Rajni : Many in the women’s movement today support the rights of the women to ‘use’ their bodies. Now we are using legitimate words like ‘Sex workers’ and fight for their rights. From a Dalit perspective where do you differ. Agreed that women have a right to ‘use’ their bodies but the main question is how many of them are really using it freely and independently. And in the din of all these, are we not forgetting the grave fact that a majority of women brought up in the brothels do not go out of their own choices but are due to trafficking. Most of the Dalit and Advasi girls are not there out of their choice but because of forces operating in the villages, who make money at the cost of the dignity and choices of Dalit and Adivasi women and perhaps that is a clear difference of perception here with that of Dalit women.