Vidya
Bhushan Rawat In Conversation with Chakma MK from CHT, Bangladesh
Chakma MK is a Human Rights activist
working with indigenous people in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) of
Bangladesh since 1980s. He has been working with Human Rights organizations on
the issue of Indigenous People. He has spoken at various national and
international forums on the issue of Chakma people. In a conversation with
Vidya Bhushan Rawat, he explains the current crisis of the Chakma people in
Bangladesh, their problems and how government deals with them. Equally
important to understand the issues of indigenous people as far as partition of
India was concern. It is difficult for human rights defenders, political
activists in South Asia to speak candidly and boldly due to various security
concerns of our friends. We are not providing much details of our friend due
the security concerns but sure that this interaction will give you enough idea
of the issue of indigenous people in Bangladesh and how they have been treated.
VB: Mr. Chakma what are the main issues of Chakma community
in Bangladesh?
CMK: There are not only Chakma in Chittagong Hill Tract (CHT). It
is a land of 11 multilingual indigenous peoples consisting of Chakma, Marma,
Tripura, Mro, Bawm, Pangkhu, Khyang, Khumi, Chak, Lushai and Tanchangya. They
all are collectively known as Jumma (High Landers). Besides,
a very small number of descendents of Assames, Gorkha and Santals also live in
there. They are distinct and different from the majority Bengali people of Bangladesh in respects of race, language, culture, heritage
and religion.
The CHT is divided into three hill
districts, namely, Rangamati, Khagrachari and Bandarban. The legal and
administrative system in the CHT is nevertheless separate and distinct from
those in other parts of the country. The general administrative setup does
equally exist in CHT i.e. elected bodies of people’s representatives at two
levels – Union and National level – along with the implementing line agencies
at Upazila, District and National level. Alongside there are decentralised
government institutions in CHT i.e. CHT Regional Council at regional level and
Hill District Councils at district level. In addition to the above institutions,
the CHT has a three tier traditional structure based on the customs of the
local indigenous Jumma people with Circle Chiefs, and Headmen at Mouza and
Karbaries at village levels. The Chiefs are the heads of their respective
revenue and administrative circles. There are three Circles in the CHT, the
Chakma Circle, the Bohmong Circle and the Mong Circle. All of these
institutions are supervised by a new ministry, the Ministry of CHT Affairs.
These are reflective of the distinct socio-political, cultural and historical
background of the region.
Main issues of Jumma peoples are:
- Government's
policy of Islamisation of CHT region and ethnic cleansing as well
- Infiltration of Bengali Muslim population to CHT
- Non-implementation of CHT Accord that was signed between
the Government of Bangladesh and the Parbatya Chattagram Jana Samhati
Samiti (PCJSS) on 2 December 1997 for peaceful and political solution of
CHT problem
- Systematic land grabbing by government authorities
including forest department and military forces, Bengali Muslim settlers,
business companies, influential political leaders and military-civil
bureaucrats etc.
VB: How much is the
population of the community in Bangladesh and what is their representation in
government services and political parties?
CMK:
The CHT comprises a total area of 5,093 sq. miles with around 1.6 million
populations (as per census 2011). Among them, the indigenous Jumma peoples are
around 845 thousands and Bengali Muslim settlers are around 752 thousands.
CHT Accord provides, against all the
posts of officers of all ranks and employees of different classes in
government, semi-government, local government and autonomous bodies of the CHT,
the permanent dwellers of the CHT shall be appointed, subject to priority being
given to the tribals.”
The CHT Regional Council gave its
recommendation to the CHT Affairs Ministry along with the Ministry of
Establishment to take necessary measures for inclusion of the said provision in
the concerned appointment/service rules and regulations. But this provision has
not yet been included in the concerned appointment/service rules and
regulations applicable in the CHT region by the Ministries concerned. As a
consequence, the outsider Bengali settlers are encroaching upon all employment
facilities created for the Jumma peoples and permanent Bengali residents. Thus
the Indigenousisation process of the administration of three hill districts of
CHT is going to be blocked. The proper implementation of the CHT Accord cannot
be possible by the outsider Bengali Muslim functionaries. As such the current
trend of appointment and transfer of non-Jumma ethnic Bengali officers and
staff to the CHT region is to be stopped right now in the greater interest of
the Jumma peoples of the region and permanent residents of Bengalis.
VB: How much rights have been given to Chakma Hill Track
people? Do you have any political, administrative autonomy there?
CMK: Before the British annexed the region to Bengal, Jumma
people of CHT were independent. Even during the British colonial period
(1860-1947), the CHT was regarded as an ‘Excluded Area”, in order to protect
the indigenous Jumma people from economic exploitation by non-indigenous people
and to preserve the indigenous peoples’ socio-cultural and political
institutions based on customary laws, community ownership of land and so on. In
fact, several provisions of the CHT Regulation of 1900 functioned as a
safeguard for the Jumma people and it prohibited immigration into the region
and land ownership by non-indigenous people.
The Pakistan government, however as
per the provision of the Independence Act, recognised CHT as a fully Excluded
Area and retained it even in the first constitution of Pakistan, which was
passed in 1956, along with the CHT Regulation of 1900. It destroyed the
economical backbone of the indigenous Jumma people completely. In the second
constitution of Pakistan, the Excluded Area Status was changed to "Tribal
Area" in 1962. But it was abolished in 1963 by constitutional amendment.
The entire administration including the police was manned by Bengali Muslims
from plain districts.
Bangladesh became independent in
1971, indigenous Jumma people hoped that the new rulers of Bangladesh would
realize their hopes and aspirations as Bangladesh rulers also struggled against
the oppression and suppression of Pakistani ruler and the Jumma people would be
free from oppression and discrimination. So the Jumma people demanded to the
then government for autonomy in a democratic way. Unfortunately the government
of freshly independence Bangladesh did not respect their fundamental rights and
did not write even a single word in the constitution regarding the entity and
safeguard of the Jumma people. Rather immediately following the independence of
Bangladesh in early 1972 the CHT underwent militarization. Three cantonments
were established in Dighinala, Ruma and Alikadam during Sheikh Mujib period.
Wide range discontent to unrest that resulted from terror throughout CHT let
loose by the Mukti Bahini, forced the people to assemble into a common
political platform with the formation of Parbatya Chattagram Jana Samhati
Samiti (PCJSS) on 15 February 1972 under the leadership of M. N. Larma.
Hence, Jumma people started
democratic movement for rights to self-determination. But the democratic
movement of Jumma people turned into armed struggle when all democratic avenues
are closed following assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in August 1975. After
holding decade-long dialogues with the successive governments of General Ershad
government (1985-1989), Begum Khleda Zia-led BNP government (1991-1995) and lastly
Sheikh Hasian-led Awami League government (1996-1997), the 'CHT Accord' was finally
signed between the PCJSS and Sheikh Hasina-led Awami League government in Dhaka
on 2 December 1997. The CHT Accord could conclude the decades-long fierce
internal conflicts and paves the way for the peace, development,
demilitarization of the region and opportunities to meaningful engagement and
representation of the Jumma peoples.
The main objectives of the CHT Accord was to restore and protect rights of the
indigenous Jumma people of CHT i.e. to restitute lands of the indigenous
people, to have self-rule (proper representation of the Jumma people in the CHT
administrative institutions) and to enhance fiscal decentralization for
equitable economic development of CHT and also to accommodate rights of the
permanent Bengali residents and thereby replace the previous policy of
assimilation of the indigenous Jumma people with the policy of integration. The
CHT Accord of 1997 provides-
·
for
recognition of the CHT region as "tribal-inhabited region”;
·
strengthens
the special governance system (a kind of self-rule) in CHT with the
establishment of the CHT Regional Council and three Hill District Councils;
·
demilitarisation
of the region (withdrawal of more than 500 temporary camps);
·
resolution
of land disputes which were arisen due to forcible land grabbing by Bengali
Muslim settlers;
·
rehabilitation
of returnee Jumma refugees and internally displaced indigenous persons;
·
establishment
of a CHT Affairs Ministry at national level;
·
rehabilitation
of Bengali Muslim settlers outside CHT with dignity, and so on.
The Government of Bangladesh
implemented some provisions of the Accord, such as, enactment of CHT Regional
Council Act 1998, amendment of three Hill District Council Acts in 1998;
formation of interim CHTRC and Ministry of CHT Affairs; repatriation of Jumma
refugees from India; withdrawal of around 66 temporary camps (where the
government claims withdrawal of 172 camps); formation of CHT Accord
Implementation Committee, CHT Land Dispute Resolution Commission and Task Force
on Rehabilitation of Returnee Refugees and IDPs, etc.
However, no effective
initiative for implementation of the unimplemented provisions of the Accord has
been taken even after 18 years. The
main issues, such as preservation of tribes-inhabited characteristics of the
region, devolution of effective authority to the CHTRC and three HDCs,
resolution of land disputes, demilitarization, rehabilitation of returnee Jumma
refugees and internally Jumma displaced families, rehabilitation of Bengali
settlers outside CHT with dignity etc. Substantial progress is yet to be
achieved due to non-implementation of the main issues of the Accord.
Provision for more strengthening of power and functions of three Hill
District Councils with 33 transferable subjects, such as, law and order,
general administration, district police, land and land management, forest
(except reserved forest), primary and secondary education, youth welfare,
environmental protection and development, local tourism, agriculture etc.
Provision for formation CHT Regional Council with the aim of making CHT a
unique political and administrative unit. This Regional Council was bestowed
upon the power of supervising and coordinating to the subjects transferred to
three Hill District Councils (HDCs), law and order, general administrations,
development, CHT Development Board, traditional and social justice etc and the
power of giving license for heavy industries. In making any law in connection
with CHT, the Government shall enact such law in consultation with the Regional
Council.
Provision for establishment of Ministry for CHT Affairs where a cabinet
minister would be appointed from among Jumma people and an Advisory Committee
shall be constituted to lend support to this Ministry.
VB: Do Chakma people enjoy any particular benefit in the
government services like in India where 7% seats are reserved for Scheduled
Tribes? Do you have any affirmative action programme for your community?
CMK: The government of Bangladesh undertakes some affirmative actions
in favour of indigenous peoples living in CHT and plain land of the country.
Notable among these are:
· setting up of a Special Affairs
Division under the Prime Minister’s Office particularly for plain lands
indigenous peoples;
· signing of the CHT Peace Accord
with the PCJSS as a solution of the CHT problem through political and peaceful
means and accordingly establishment of CHT Regional Council and three Hill District
Councils as special administrative arrangements for the CHT;
· providing quota reservation in
the government jobs (5%) and educational institutions for ‘tribal’ people;
· setting up of 7 small ethnic
cultural institutes throughout the country for preservation and development of
small ethnic unique cultures.
In fact, the number of
recruitment is much lower than the number of available posts allocated for
indigenous candidates as per 5% reserved for tribal quota. After breaking down
the figure on year basis, for example, it is found that only 22 indigenous
candidates were appointed against 261 posts in the 24th BCS.
VB: While the government in Dhaka is secular, the Islamist
forces have been raising their ugly head in Bangladesh and the minorities are
the biggest target. Does this Islamisation has impacted lives of Chakmas? If
yes, then in what way?
CMK: Islamic
militant groups in Bangladesh, under sponsorship of various vested quarters,
have built up their well fortified positions in CHT in the recent years taking
advantage of the existent fanatic atmospheres. As the communal mood is existent
under state patronization in CHT, the terrorist and fanatic organizations had
to have no trouble in getting the hilly CHT as a field quite fertile and
favorable to them. These terrorist groups, with direct or indirect support of
the communal and ultra nationalist groups including some officials of the local
administration and local leadership of national political parties, are
utilizing the CHT as their safe hinterland. These elements have been
obstructing the implementation process of CHT Accord under various forms and
guises.
It is learnt that there are base
camps of armed terrorist group named "Rohingya Solidarity Organization”
(RSO) in Naikhyongchari of Bandarban hill district. A bulk amount of money is
being spent in organizing the Rohingya-camp-based terrorist outfits through
several NGOs functioning in Bangladesh. It is also learnt that the
terrorist groups active in the country are recruiting their members from among
the Rohingyas who are unregistered and living outside the refugee camps, such
as from Chittagong, Cox’s Bazaar and Bandarban. It is further known that
noxious ideal of terrorism is being spread among the Rohingyas deliberately. Many
extremist Islamic outfits including Jamat-E-Islam by providing arms training to
the Rohingyas are getting them involved in armed ‘Jihad’. It is through
discoursing religious messages ‘extremism’ is being spread by various means.
News of preparation of the terrorists for sabotage activities in the three hill
districts of CHT has come to lime light in the mass media.
It has been learnt that the
Rohingya outfits were involved in killing a Buddhist monk in Naikyongchari
Upazila of Bandarban hill district on 14 May 2016. In investigation reports of
various entities, the Rohingyas were shown with evidences to have attacked and
plundered the Anser camp at Teknaf under Cox’s Bazar district on 13 May 2016.
The Rohingyas, mostly of unregistered and illegal categories are dispersing in
the three hill districts of CHT and getting involved in various criminal
activities, arms & drug smuggling, and killings and robberies. But utterly
surprising enough that these terrorist activities of national and foreign terrorist
groups including that of Rohingyas are not brought to light in the
anti-terrorism program of local administration and local Awami League in the
three hill districts. Contrarily, the Rohingya terrorist leaders have been
provided seats in the Anti-terrorism Committees in some cases. For instance,
Shafi Ullah, the Rohingya leader has been made President of Upazila
Anti-Terrorism and Extremism Committee in Naikhyongchari Upazila of Bandarban
hill districts.
It is learnt that in these days,
many national and foreign terrorist groups are reported to be active in the
Rohingya-inhabited areas including Bandarban and Cox’s Bazaar district. Islamic radical groups want to destabilize CHT to open a new front
against Myanmar and north-east India.
VB: You mentioned that Bangladesh authorities tried to
influence the demography of the CHT and a number of Muslim families were
planted there to make a population balance. Can you tell us about what kind of
process it was ? Did you oppose it ? Since when has this been being done?
CMK: During the partition of India and Pakistan, the total
population of CHT was only 247,053 out of that only 2.5 percent Bengali
including 1.5 percent Bengali Muslims. But after 20 years of Pakistan Period
and 31 years of the Bangladesh period, the picture of the demography of CHT has
significantly changed specially after the systematic illegal settlement of
Bengali Muslims by the successive governments.
Noted the more than 500,000 Bengali
Muslims from the plain districts of the Bangladesh has illegally been given
settlement in CHT by the government of Bangladesh in 1980s. Fresh political
migration of Bengali Muslims from different districts of the country to the CHT
still continues alarmingly. So,
presently according the Bangladesh census report 2011 the total population of
the CHT is around 1.6 million populations
comprising Jumma peoples are around 845 thousands and Bengali Muslim settlers
are around 752 thousands.
During
the partition of Indian sub-continent in 1947, the indigenous Jumma and Bengali
Muslim population were 98.5% and 1.5% respectively. By now the ratio has been
further aggravated with 51% Jumma people and 49% Bengali Muslim settlers. It is
crystal clear that the Jumma people are going to be a minority in their own
homeland very soon, because of successive governments’ prolonged and sustained
Islamization policy.
VB: You mentioned that on 14th August 1947 Indian flag was
hoisted at CHT and not the Pakistani flag. The entire CHT wanted to be part of
India but was merged with Pakistan against the wishes of your people. Could you
please explain it further as who were the leaders and what were your demands
during independence and why were they not acceded.
CMK: Indian subcontinent was partitioned on the basis of
two-nation theory under the provisions of Indian Independence Act, 1947. The
Muslim dominated regions were to constitute Pakistan and the non-Muslim
dominated regions were to constitute the Indian Union. It was quite natural for
the Jumma people who constituted 98.5% of the total population of the then CHT
to express desire to be included in the Indian Union. But the result was quite
opposite, Sir Cyrill Radcliffe, Chairman of the Bengal Boundary Commission with
a stroke of pen trampled down the aspiration of the people of CHT. The Bengal
Boundary Commission recommended CHT to be part of Pakistan and on 17 August
1947 two days after the declaration of Pakistan independence the CHT was
declared as part of Pakistan.
In fact, according to the primary
survey reports of the Boundary Commission, CHT was to form a part of India. The
mystery lies in the fact that the district of Zira and Ferozpur sub-division of
Punjab, predominantly a Sikh populated area fell into Pakistan as envisaged in
the early reports of Punjab Boundary Commission. As the Sikh are a brave and
worrier nation they might not abide by the decision of the Punjab Boundary
Commission if a part of Sikh dominated area would fall into Pakistan. Lord
Mount Batten, Governor of the then India that the plan for Indian division
might go futile; so he took it with serious concern. Therefore, Lord Mount
Batten cancelled his primary plan and awarded CHT to Pakistan two days later
after the declaration of Pakistan independence in exchange of Zira district and
Ferozpur sub-division with India. It was incompatible with the Indian
independence Act of 1947 by the British government.
The indigenous Jumma people of CHT
could not abide by the decision of the Bengal Boundary Commission. The CHT
Peoples' Association, a socio-political organisation of CHT under the
leadership of Sneh Kumar Chakma, unfurled the Indian national flag on 15 August
1947 at Rangamati, capital of the CHT, as a mark of protest against this
injustice. The leaders of the Peoples' Association formed resistance squads to
defy the decision of the Bengal Boundary Commission. It was really an injustice
to the CHT people meted out by the British at the fag end of their rule. The
Jummas vehemently protested against the decision but to no avail. All their
efforts were thwarted when the Baluch Regiment of Pakistan army entered into
CHT and proclaimed control over the area. They lowered the Indian flag at
Rangamati six days later at gunpoint and raised the flag of Pakistan on the 21
August 1947.
VB: In the common parlance we heard that Bangladesh
government always looked towards Chakmas as suspect? Why? Did you not support the
Bangladesh war of liberation? If not, why?
CMK: From the very outset, the Pakistani government looked upon
the Jummas with an eye of suspicion as anti-Pakistani as well as anti-Islamic.
It considered the indigenous people as hostile elements and pro-Indian.
Therefore, the Pakistan governments' ultimate aim was to exterminate the people
of CHT through its socio-political-economic policy. Even in 1950s, in implementing
her brazen designs violating the principles and spirit of the CHT Regulation of
1900 the government of Pakistan started Bengali Muslim settlement in various
areas of CHT in 1950s. The Section 51 of the CHT Regulation, which put a
restriction on the outsider Bengali Muslim migration into the CHT, was repealed
in 1965 to facilitate migration as well as infiltration of outsider Bengali
Muslim settlers.
In 1960, in order to materialise its
evil design and breaking down the economic backbone of the people of CHT, in
the name of so-called industrial development the Pakistan government built the
Kaptai hydroelectric project on the Karnafuli river in the heartland of the
indigenous Jumma people which flooded 1,036 sq. km. of lands and submerged 54%
(54,000 acre) of the best arable land and also displaced about 100,000 Jumma
people from their ancestral hearth and homes for good. Rehabilitation Program
was a cruel farce. By Karnafuli project people became panicky and because of
insecurity, finding no alternative among these some 40,000 Chakma were forced
to migrate into India and about 20,000 other Jumma people had to take refuge in
Myanmar. The people who are living in Indian State of Arunachal are yet to be
given citizenship.
After nine months of war of independence
against Pakistan, Bangladesh emerged as an independent state on 16 December
1971. The victorious 'Mukti Bahini' (Freedom Fighter) entered into CHT with
vengeance and communal hatred, creating a reign of terror situation throughout
CHT. The Mukti Bahini fell upon the innocent Jumma people, killing, looting,
arsoning and raping women, burning houses and villages, victimizing and
terrorizing the inhabitants who was were forced to take refuge in the jungles.
Soon after the Pakistani army had withdrawn, the Mukti Bahini went on a
systematic rampage against the Jummas in the CHT. On 5 December 1971, 16 Jumma
people were massacred by the Mukti Bahini at Panchari. Another 18 were killed
at Dighinala. On 14 December 1971, the Mukti Bahini killed 22 Jumma people at
Kukichara. Moreover, a huge amount of paddy land belonging to the indigenous
Jumma people in Matiranga, Ramgarh and Manikchari under Khagrachari district
was forcibly grabbed by the horde of Bengali Muslim from Feni district. They
put lame excuse that Chakma Raja Tridiv Roy took with Pakistan side during
Liberation War and Jumma youths joined to the Rajakar Bahini.
In fact, hundreds of Jumma people
participated in the Liberation War. Mong Chief of Mong Circle played active
role for Liberation War. He gave shelter hundreds of Bengali people who were on
way to Tripura to take refuge there. He personally joined Mukti Bahini and
fought against Pakistani army. There were hundreds of Jumma youths in the East
Pakistan Rifle (EPR) who all joined Mukti Bahini. Many sacrificed their life in
the war front. After independence, one rifleman Ukhya Shing Marma of EPR was
awarded as Bir Bikrom award for his brave fighting against Pak army. Many Jumma
service holders also joined Freedom Fighter. Some of them were Bimaleshwar
Dewan, Tripura Kanti Chakma, Boren tripura, Kripasukh Chakma, Ananda Banshi
Chakma et al.
Then Major and turned later into
President, Ziaur Rahman with his forces went to Indian State of Tripura through
Naniarchar, Mahalchari, Khagrachari and Ramgarh in CHT during Liberation War in
1971. At that time, Jumma people helped him in supplying food and ration and in
crossing border guiding safe land road. Even a Chakma villager of Kamalchari
village under Khagrachari district named Mriganga Chakma helped Major Ziaur
Rahman to cross Chengi River taking Ziaur Rahman on his shoulder. As Jumma
villagers helped Ziaur Rahman, Pakistan army later arrested many Jumma
villagers including Mriganga Chakma, Sabhya Mohajan, Gouranga Dewan and Chitta
Ranjan Karbari who were brutally killed later. Many Jumma women and girls were
subjected to victims of rape by the Pakistani army for helping the Mukti
Bahini.
However, a vested groups of Bengali
Muslims spread propaganda with political motivation that Jumma people are anti-Liberation,
they are pro-Pakistan, they helped Pak army etc. This way, soon after formation
of Pakistan in 1947, Pakistan government termed Jumma people as pro-Indian and
soon after independence of Bangladesh in 1971, Jumma peoples were identified as
pro-Pakistan. The main objective of this vis-versa terming is to make lame
excuse for oppression and suppression upon Jumma people.
Q. Did Indian government ever try to speak to their
Bangladeshi counterpart about your issues and rights?
I did not see any instance in any
open forum in speaking by the government of India to their Bangladeshi
counterpart about our issues and rights. On the other, I am not sure whether Indian
government ever try to speak in the bi-lateral meetings.
VB: What is United People's Party plan to achieve ? Is it
the only party in your region or there are other parties too? Do you have any
MNA in the National Assembly?
CMK: The Jumma peoples have established an unprecedented
illustration in the history of struggle of the world’s freedom-loving peoples
in ascertaining their just rights, by waging heroic struggle for 45 years under
the leadership of PCJSS. All through its glorious movement, the PCJSS, as the
result of its flawless strategy and tactics has been able to-
- Inspire and unite the Jumma peoples, who were in
slumber and wary under constant exploitation, oppression, atrocities and
suppressive measures meted out by the rotting feudal leadership, in the
political spirit;
- Motivate and amalgamate the nearly abolishing Jumma
peoples in the struggle for ascertaining their rights to
self-determination;
- Inspire the multi-lingual Jumma peoples, who were
absolutely confined in narrow nationalism, in the spirit of Jumma
nationalism;
- Compel the government or rather the ruling class to
sign the CHT Accord – the Charter of the Rights of the Jumma peoples and
Bengali permanent residents – through waging steel-hard struggle against
relatively very imbalanced power – the power of an established State.
PCJSS is in the
movement for full, speedy and proper implementation of CHT Accord. Indeed,
there is no alternative of the implementation of the CHT Accord to ensure the
right to self-determination for the Jumma peoples. Insurance of establishment
of Jumma peoples’ political, economic, administrative, social, cultural and
land rights is laid in the implementation of the Accord. Hence, the 41st
founding anniversary of the PCJSS calls on:
■ Compel the government to implement the CHT Accord aiming at the
establishment of right to self-determination of permanent residents, both Jumma
and Bengalis;
■ unite and stand against the anti-Accord elements including all
the conspiracies designed to ethnic attrition being meted out upon the Jumma
peoples;
■ take part of the democratic, non-communal and progressive movement
at national level aiming to establish a democratic and progressive government.
In last parliamentary election held
in January 2014, PCJSS candidate for Member of Parliament from Rangamati
parliamentary constituency won the election. 22-member Interim CHT Regional
Council was also formed by PCJSS.
VB: Was any Chakma made minister in Dhaka? If yes, did he do
anything for the community?
CMK: Generally ruling party appointed a minister/state
minister/deputy minister for CHT Affairs Ministry among from Jumma community.
Awami League-led Current government appointed Bir Bahadur Ushwe Shing (who won
election as MP from Bandarban parliamentary constituency) as State Minister for
CHT Affairs Minister. As they appointed from ruling party, so they cannot do anything
for the community beyond the party policy. Even, they do not have courage to
raise voice for implementation of unimplemented core issues of CHT Accord.
VB: Have Chakmas faced violence in Bangladesh from the
Islamic fundamentalists? If yes, please give us details.
CMK: The failure to
fully implement the CHT Accord has led to widespread human rights violations.
Bengali settlers, often with the help of a section of the civil administration
and military forces, continue large scale attacks upon Jumma people with the
primary aim of grabbing their land. Gross human
rights violations against the indigenous peoples continue unabated. The
violations include arbitrary arrests, torture, extrajudicial killings,
harassment of rights activists and sexual harassment. In most cases the
violations happen with impunity. The failure to thoroughly investigate human
rights violations by Bengali settlers with the support of the law enforcement
agencies in the CHT remained a matter of serious concern. As a result, the indigenous
Jumma people are leading a very unsecured life.
Expansion of settlements and
forcible land grabbing continue unabated in all the three districts including
on the roadsides in particular. Communal attack on indigenous Jumma villagers
continue even during the period of present grand alliance government with an
aim to uproot indigenous Jumma peoples from their ancestral lands and occupy
their lands by Bengali settlers. As part of this planning, so far, apart
from frequent incidents of sporadic arson on Jumma dwellings, at least 18
massive communal attacks were perpetrated during the post-Accord period in
different parts of the three hill districts of CHT, obviously, to uproot
indigenous Jumma peoples from their ancestral land and to settle down Bengali
settlers over there. Moreover, activities to incite communal frenzy in the CHT
are being intensified. After signing of CHT Accord, the following communal
attacks were committed by Bengali settlers with the help security forces and
fundamentalist militant groups-
|
Attack
|
Date
|
No. of houses
|
No. of person
killed
|
No. of person
injured
|
Raped/ sexual
harass
|
|
Burnt down
|
Looted/
Damage
|
|
Baghaihat Attack
|
4 April 1999
|
--
|
--
|
--
|
51
|
1
|
|
Babuchara Attack
|
16 Oct 1999
|
--
|
74
|
3
|
140 ( 3
monks)
|
1
|
|
Boalkhali-Merung Attack
|
18 May 2001
|
42
|
191
|
--
|
5
|
--
|
|
Ramgarh Attack
|
25 June 2001
|
126
|
118
|
--
|
Several
|
--
|
|
Rajvila Attack
|
10 Oct 2002
|
11
|
100
|
--
|
3
|
--
|
|
Bhuyanchari Attack
|
19 April 2003
|
9
|
--
|
--
|
12
|
--
|
|
Mahalchari Attack
|
26 August
2003
|
359
|
137
|
2
|
50
|
10
|
|
Maischari Attack
|
3 April 2006
|
-
|
100
|
-
|
50
|
4
|
|
Sajek
Arson Attack
|
20 April 2008
|
78
|
78
|
-
|
-
|
-
|
|
Baghaihat
(Sajek) Arson Attack
|
19-20 Feb 2010
|
435
|
Same
|
2
|
25
|
-
|
|
Khagrachari
Arson Attack
|
23 Feb 2010
|
61
|
Same
|
-
|
-
|
-
|
|
Longadu
Arson Attack
|
17 Feb 2011
|
21
|
6
|
-
|
15
|
-
|
|
Ramgarh-Manikchar
Attack
|
17 April 2011
|
111
|
-
|
2
|
25
|
-
|
|
Baghaichari-Dighinala
Attack
|
14 Dec 2011
|
-
|
-
|
1
|
11
|
-
|
|
Rangamati
Attack
|
22-23 Sept 2012
|
-
|
11
|
-
|
117
|
-
|
|
Taindong-Matiranga
|
3
August 2013
|
36
|
261
|
1
|
12
|
-
|
Kamalchari-Betchari
|
25-26
Feb 2014
|
-
|
6
|
-
|
5
|
-
|
Bogachari
|
16
Dec 2014
|
59
|
5
|
-
|
3
|
-
|
VB: Does administration take your issues with sympathy or
cases are never resolved?
CMK: Civil and political rights of indigenous peoples are
often intimidated in many cases. Right activists engaged in their legitimate
actions to protect and promote their rights to self-government, land and
resources, are frequently criminalized resulting in their arrests, detention,
enforced disappearances and even sometimes become victims to political
killings. In 2015, at least 74 members of indigenous communities including
women and school girls were arrested. They were charged with criminal offences.
However, most of them were released later on bail. On the other hand,
fabricated cases were framed against at least 117 indigenous souls. Over the
past few years, apparently, the most appalling issue facing indigenous women
and girls in Bangladesh is the alarming rate of violence against them and the
impunity enjoyed by the perpetrators. Due to the absence or weak enforcement of
existing legal and non-legal measures by the State, indigenous women and girls
continue to encounter different forms of violence. According to Kapaeeng
Foundation’s statistics, from January 2007 to September 2016, there have been
at least 466 reported incidents of violence against indigenous women and girls
in Bangladesh.
In comparison to 50 indigenous women and girls who
were victims of rape, attempted rape and gang rape as reported by Kapaeeng
Foundation, there were 615 victims of mainstream Bengali women and girls
reported by Ain O Salish Kendra (ASK) in 2014. It is worth mentioning that
7.52% of the victims/survivors in 2014 were from indigenous communities, who
are merely 1.8% of country’s total population, while the remaining 92.48%
victims were from the Bengali community, who are the majority in the country
with 98.2% of the total population. From the
statistical data given earlier, it is clear that the propensity of committing
sexual and physical violence against indigenous women is higher than the
violence faced by mainstream Bengali women. While indigenous women have a
possibility to fall victim by the men from own community, they face a high rate
of violence and discrimination from the men from outside of the community. Over
past three years (2013-2015), on an average above 90% of the alleged perpetrators
of violence were from non-indigenous background. Such
incidents occur massively due to ethnic and cultural differences. Violence
against indigenous women and girls is one of the weapons used widely to evict
them from their ancestral lands. Hegemonic chauvinism to dominate over and
subdue minorities also acts as an inducement to exploit indigenous women
sexually and physically.
VB: As a minority group, how much you associate with other
minorities in Bangladesh like Hindus and Christians?
CMK: PCJSS leadership is involved with Bangladesh Hindu Bouddha
Christian Unity Council, national platform of minorities in Bangladesh and also
Bangladesh Indigenous Peoples Forum, national platform of indigenous peoples in
Bangladesh. PCJSS also has closed relationship with different civil society organizations
of Bengali community.
VB: Chakma practice Buddhism. What are your main traits.
Which kind of Buddhism do you practice?
CMK:The Chakma, Marma Tangchanya and Chak are mainly Buddhists,
the Tripuras are Hindus and some smaller groups such as the Bawm, Khiyang,
Lushai and Pangkhua are Christians. Mro and Khumi practise what is known as
Animism, though some of them also follow Buddhism. Religious tolerance has been
a long tradition of the Jumma people. CHT Buddhists follow Theravada Buddhism.
VB: Do you have any association, support, solidarity with
the Dalits in Bangladesh. If yes then what kind of association or commonality
of issues do you have?
CMK: We have loose relationship with the Dalits in Bangladesh. Many
organisations are networking with organisations working for Dalits.
VB: Do you face discrimination in day today life due to your
Chakma identity. If yes, please let us know as what kind of discrimination?
CMK:
The
first constitution of Bangladesh adopted in 1972 did not mention a single word
about Jumma people and separate administrative arrangement for CHT. Rather, the
constitution says, the citizen of Bangladesh will be regarded as Bengalees. Manabendra
Narayan Larma, then member of Constituent Assembly and founder of PCJSS
protested against this constitutional provision and walked assembly protesting
the adoption of this racial Article. Even, he did not sign Constitutional Bill
in 1972.
In
the Fifteenth Constitution (Amendment) Bill passed in the parliament on 30 June
2011, the government ignored the demand of indigenous peoples for recognition
of their fundamental rights including recognition as indigenous peoples.
However, the government recognised the culture of indigenous peoples in the
fifteenth amendment stating that “the State shall take steps to protect and
develop the unique local culture and tradition of the tribes, minor races,
ethnic sects and communities”. It is mentionable that the terminologies of
“tribes, minor races, ethnic sects and communities” are not accepted by the
indigenous peoples.
Further,
fifteenth amendment provides that “the People of Bangladesh shall be known as
Bangalees as a nation and the citizens of Bangladesh shall be known as
Bangladeshies”. Indigenous peoples rejected this provision arguing that they
are Bangladeshi as citizens, but they are not “Bangalee” as a nation. They all
are a separate nation possessing separate identity, culture, customs, language
and society apart from Bengalis. Indigenous peoples rejected the Fifteenth
Amendment of Constitution saying that it undermined the human rights and
fundamental freedoms of indigenous peoples.
Indigenous peoples demanded to review
the 15th amendment to the constitution, which did not recognise them as
‘indigenous people and their fundamental rights. They urged the government to
ensure indigenous peoples’ right to land along with their political, economic,
cultural and social rights in the constitution.
