Is there untouchability in Sri Lanka
By Vidya Bhushan Rawat

Sri Lanka’s mainland has returned to normalcy after decades of war in that country. It was the period when all the issues of social concern actually got sidelined in the bigger issues of ethnic nationalist identities. Unlike India, where the caste identities are very sharp and movement against brahmanical domination has reached to a new level, in Sri Lanka, the impact of Buddhism as well as Brahmanism are visible parallel in two distinct cultural identities called Sinhalese who practice Buddhism and Tamils who claims to be Hindus. Most of the mainland people converted to Therveda Buddhism which is also known as Hinayana in the third century BC.

It is not unknown fact that untouchability is a ‘gift’ to humanity by the ‘varnashram dharma’ popularly known as Brahmanism or Hinduism in India. Those of us who felt that it disappear once you converted to other religions or migrate to other countries should be surprised to see the prevalence of it outside India, particularly in Nepal, Bangladesh and Pakistan. Of course, it is also a reality that while in Nepal it is too powerful as it remained a Hindu Monarchy state till a few years back where brahamnical rulers did everything to maintain status quo in favor of the brahmanical castes however in Pakistan and Bangladesh it is practiced with in the Hindu society which means wherever the popular way of life is not the brahmanical Hinduism, the impact of untouchability or caste system might not have been completely eliminated but definitely reduced though the governments there did not provide any legal protections to the untouchables just in the name of protection of minority rights as all of them were clubbed together in the Hindu category. In this context, Sri Lanka is the best example of the negligible impact of untouchability and caste system in their national lives.

On my recent visit to Sri Lanka, it was important for me to understand the dynamics of untouchability or caste system in that country which we all look upon as a Buddhist nation though in the post British colonial period the country is marred in ethnic violence and complete distrust between the major ethnic groups of Tamils and Sinhalese. Walking through the streets of Colombo and other regions, one does not find stream of beggars and people living in extreme poverty which are very much visible in the other countries of South Asia. In fact, the railway stations and airport normally in South Asia are preceded by millions of squatters and their filthy unthinkable living hell but in Sri Lanka they remain clean and better governed. While it would be untrue to say that I did not find people cleaning the street or the small roadside shops of shoemakers but the truth was also that they were nominal in number and secondly most of them never looked isolated and do not really have the caste attachment to their work. On the Vaishakh Poornima day, which is basically known as Buddha Poornima in India, SriLanka celebrate with great joy and thank giving when people not only have mass lunch programme but also share with others. My host wanted to distribute 25 packets of lunch to street people and it took us driving several kilometers to be able to give the food to different people. I do not know what the poverty ratio in Sri Lanka is but it is definitely not as chronic as exist elsewhere including India. The fact is that, to a large extent, the influence of Buddhism has vanished untouchability as well as caste system from Sri Lankan society. It is clear that though different Sinhalese groups may have distinct ethnic identities and may be marrying among those distinct identities yet there is no graded inequality among them as exist among the Hindus which has provided both untouchability and caste system a divine sanctity. Untouchability is not practiced among them. Most of the intellectuals as well as social activists that I met during this trip to Sri Lanka mentioned that it is the influence of Buddhism which has given them new identity and democratize socially a culture which suffered from the disabilities of caste system and untouchability.

Human rights organisations talk of an untouchable community named as Rodi which too is not visible very much. This community was engaged in various kind of menial work including manual scavenging but that too is does not exist in Sri Lanka. Moreover, there is an interesting story to Rodi’s becoming untouchable or lowest of the low in the caste hierarchy. Rodi legend suggests that they are descended from Ratnavalli who was the daughter of King Parakrama Bahu in the 12th century. Ratnawalli was also known as Navratna Valli. The historical background was recorded by a British civil servant Hugh Nevill about a century back.
It was found that Navaratna Valli had developed longing for human flesh which was being brought to her by Veddha hunter. The Veddha accordingly waylaid youths in the woods, and disposed of their flesh to the royal kitchen. The whole country was terrified by the constant disappearance of youths and maidens. When the king knew about this incident, he stripped his daughter of all the royal linkages and got her married to a scavenger community person compelling her to make her living from menial work such as sweeping the streets and cleaning.

Many of the intellectuals feel that Rodis that way is only a class factor as its lineages are definitely linked to royal family of the past and hence it cannot be attributed to caste system. That the king got his daughter married to the boy from this community even as a punishment may reflect that caste might not have mattered that much during those days.
The fact is that among the Sinhalese the caste system is actually not as pervert as it persists among the Tamils. Like any other country, Srilankan Buddhist society is also becoming class conscious. But it is equally important to analyse and understand the crisis of ethnic identities of Tamils and Sinhalese. It is also important for us to understand the Sri Lankan ethnic crisis from the caste angle and spread of Buddhism in the region resisted by the brahmaical Hindus represented by the Tamils who practiced caste system and untouchability in the worst form.

During the colonial period the British brought people from Southern India particularly poor Tamils, a majority of who belong to Dalit community, to work in the tea plantation estates. They got settled in Jaffna and other northern provinces. Later many of them were brought to up hills in Nuwara Eliya area about 70 kilometer away from Kandy in the huge tea estates. Their conditions were dismal and never a concern for the upper caste brahmanical leadership of Tamils who treated them as refugees and practiced untouchability with them. Even today, the condition of tea plantation workers in Jaffna and in the north is a matter of great concern. The interesting point is that the political leadership of the Tamils in Sri Lanka always came from the power elite of Tamil predominantly Brahmins from the mainland of Sri Lanka. The issue of Tamil Elam matter little for those who were fighting for their survival in the tea estates in the Northern Province of Jaffna. According to sources, the inter caste marriages are impossible and migrated Tamils from India, mostly low caste remain isolated and unwanted in the region. It is also a fact that as a leader V.Prabhakaran of the LTTE was not accepted as genuine representative of Tamils by leaders of major Tamil parties in Sri Lanka who actually hail from mainland in Colombo and the surrounding areas. The reason for this might also have been his low caste background. Though, unfortunately at the end, LTTE became ruthless and eliminated all those who came in its way. It is also true that the same LTTE had little concern about the caste issues in the region.

A fairly large number of the Dalits migrated from Tamilnadu are working as tea plantation workers in the Tea estates developed by the British in the hilly areas of Sri Lanka. Their conditions are not great and had never been a matter of concern for the political parties in Sri lanka. The high caste Tamils rarely raise their issues or mingle with them. In the din of the Tamil nationalism, the issue of the Dalits has been relegated to nothing as if they do not exist or face any caste discrimination. It also need to be understood in India that the battle for a separate Elam of Tamil Nation has nothing to do with the issue of Dalits or social justice unlike Tamilnadu where the anti caste movement actually dethroned the brahmanical forces from the state. The dominance of backward classes in Tamilnadu is the sign of strength of Periyarist movement in Tamilnadu though it is also a fact that the same movement could not really bring Dalits in its fold. But the situation in Sri Lanka is sharply different and that have nothing to do with the social justice movement in Tamilnadu. The Tamil identity is being constructed as unified without addressing the issue of the plantation workers. Culturally, the Buddhist temples are being countered with huge Hindu temples with active cooperation and support of the Tamil Brahmins. This has given a fertile ground for regrouping of the Hindu right wing forces in Sri Lanka.

One sincerely hope that one day the issue of Dalits in Sri Lanka will get international recognition and they will get fair deal in the administration. Hopefully, the Tamil groups which are highlighting the issue of ‘ethnic cleansing’ in Sri Lanka will also be able to highlight the issue of isolation and ostracisation of migrated Dalits from Tamilnadu, a majority of those working in Tea Estates both in the high lands as well as northern province of Jaffna. Sri Lankan government must acknowledge this and start providing legal protection and support to Dalits in that country so that they too participate in the nation building process.

Democratic deficit in Naxal affected areas..

Is Maoism a law and order problem

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat

The abduction of Sukma’s District Magistrate Alex Paul Menon by the Maoists has raised serious issues of crisis of governance in India. According to the Maoists, he was ‘arrested’ on April 21 when holding a public meeting at a village. The Maoists have demanded that about 8 of their colleagues be released immediately and operation green hut be stopped.

It is a well known fact that a very large part of India is now under the Maoist or Naxal control but somewhere we miss an important fact of India’s ‘growth’ story which we have been speaking since 1990 in the post liberlisation era. Before India opened its horizons for the international brands and companies, the value of the areas where tribal were living was nothing for the big companies and government authorities as they were considered backward regions and none was interested to go there. We allowed them to languish in ignorance, miseries and humiliation. Our government never ever bothered to reach those zones which needed state to protect them, provide health care, housing and better schooling. Today, if you travel to these zones they look stark contrast to what you see in Delhi which we all claim is becoming one of the ‘finest’ capitals of the world, though with little ‘heart’. The problems of the tribal were aggravated by the greedy government officials who would never venture to those zones and forest department which is given the task of maintaining the forests actually exploit the tribal.

Indian state failed to work for the betterment of tribal. Rather than acknowledging the fact that it has not taken care of about 10% of its population which we call as Aadivasis, we made tribal like animals in the cage. The urban middle class go there on ‘Safaris’ to watch them naked and then comment on their life style. There were no attempt by the state as why people are dying of Malaria and other diseases in those regions. Now, in the post globalization era, these poorest regions of India have become virtually the most sought after areas. With enormous natural wealth in the form of mines, minerals and ores, the big industrial corporations are eyeing the region for their own benefits. The Indian state became a real estate agent and a facilitator to dislocate its own people and victimize them if they opposed acquisition of their land. India’s growth model became the death sentence for millions of Aadivasis and they rose up against it. Those who ignore these facts of tribal life must make a visit to Chhatishgarh, Jharkhand, Odhisa and agency areas of Andhra Pradesh and find out why the tribal resisting the state despite the power of Indian state.

The ‘Indian’ ‘ Nationalists’ want the government to give the military a free hand to ‘demolish’ these zones. Well, the military is already there in the form of operation green hunt. These are the soldiers who are well paid and trained to fight the guerilla war in the forest terrain. And they have played havoc in those regions as they go without any sympathy. For them, it is a war against ‘enemy’. How can a person protecting his or her land become ‘enemy’ in his own region? No army can win a war if the people have no faith in it. Indian army knows it well and therefore most of the generals were against war on its own people.
Often, we are reminded the example of Punjab and our security hawks want that story to be replicated everywhere. It is not possible. Much work was done to assuage the feelings of Sikh in Punjab. In fact, the congress party apologized too for the same. Before that, Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi invited Harcharan Singh Longowal for negotiations which culminated in the famous peace accord which brought peace in Punjab. Punjab was never won over by army but by confidence building measures which brought Sikh back to Indian mainstream. Similarly, in Kashmir, it is the governance that would win us the day and not the army.
The problem with the ruling establishment in India is that it is playing a big mind game. It is not coming into picture but want to fight the battle by defaming a whole movement. Maoists or Naxalism is not going to end with so called ‘law and order’ game. They are political battles and without active politicization you cannot win a war like this. Where are our political leaders who can go to Baster and talk to Naxals or Maoists? When the government can speak to different terror outfits why is Chidambaram not asking them to come on negotiating table. But for that the government has to show its real inclination. Home Minister Chidambaram and his colleagues do not want to call this battle off because they have to push these greedy corporations inside the forests.

Has Indian state ever apologized to tribal for its failure to protect their interest and identities? Australia and, Canada could do so with special session of their parliament when they acknowledge the indigenous people as ‘first nation’. Have we ever thought of showing our gratitude towards tribal for preserving our nature, our environment and habitat?
The Indian state has gone beyond all their reach to get its big people released from the Maoists heartland. The negotiators have refused to condemn the abductions as they say the state agencies have indulged in heavy violence against the tribal. That is a brute reality. The solution to the Naxalism lies in speaking with the people in the region and sincerely talking of peace. When Nepal could do so with Maoists why not India? More importantly, when Indian government could speak to various Naga nationalist groups or Mozo-Bodo groups demanding autonomy in the North east, what is wrong in inviting to Maoists to negotiations? At least the government must make political effort. We need a political home minister and not a bureaucrat. Unfortunately, most of the South block today is being handled not by the political class but the so called civil servants and right wing security hawks who have failed to understand India and its vast diversity. We need a political solution to these issues otherwise today it is Alex Paul tomorrow it could be some else and the Indian state would always be on its toes finding little time to do work for people. Let the government take initiative for peace talk and come with sincere proposal for the tribal zone. It is certain that Aadivasis too want to live in peace and develop their regions but they would definitely like their stake in whatever is planned for their regions. Any imposition of leadership and ideas from New Delhi would only be counterproductive and will never bring peace.

* already published in www.halabol.com

Towards a new political intolerance in Bengal

Is it Mamatagiri or Dadagiri in Bengal
By Vidya Bhushan Rawat



West Bengal chief Minister Mamata Banerjee’s antics are proving to be too dangerous for the country. It seems she is either blackmailing the already fragile UPA government or finding a way out to dissociate with it. Whatever are the differences, her posturing and unprofessional attitude have not helped strengthen her image. Moreover, they are proving too populists which will harm the interest of the people in long term.

Her stand against the railway minister Dinesh Trivedi was highly objectionable and absolute anarchist. The prime minister finally succumbed to her unreasonable demand by forcing the railway minister Trivedi to resign after presenting his maiden railway budget. Ms Banerjee is carefully nurturing her image as ‘messiah’ of the poor and has reacted undemocratically against all those who, she feels, are creating obstacle in her way. The way entire issue of resignation of Mr Dinesh Trivedi from railway ministry was dealth with by the United Progressive Alliance at the Centre does not bode well for the health of the country. India is in a coalition age and there is no chance of a single party government in Delhi in near future. It means stability at the policy level must be there despite coalition nature of the government otherwise all of us will have to pay for a heavy price of the instability of the political class. India has grown over the years and people of different regions are looking for their participation in power in Delhi. Therefore, it is more important for all the political parties to behave reasonably and not make their personal issues as national issues. Internationally, we will be reduced to non entity if the government ministers speak different tones according to their political ideology because they happen to be from different political parties. And Mamata’s action on Mr Dinesh Trivedi has rightly been criticized by journalists, writers and intellectuals who had supported her. In fact, one of the first persons who supported Mamata’s Singur and Nandigram movement was Mr Kabir Suman, MP of her party, has openly challenged her to take action against him. Even an icon like Mahashweta Devi is finding it difficult to support Mamata’t action.

In politics differences are natural and they are resolved democratically. There is no problem in Mamata’s asking for more from the Central government and demanding different schemes for her state but that need to be done according to coalition dharma not through humiliating your coalition partners or those who differ with you. Unfortunately, Mamata’s actions on the ground are looking like a person who is in a hurry to destroy the legacy of the left front government.

In her bid to control criticism, her supporters got a senior professor of Jadavpur University, Mr Ambikesh Mohapatra arrested for ‘spreading derogatory messages’ against ‘respectable’ persons. Actually, Prof. Mohapatra had circulated on email a political cartoon on Mamata’s treatment to Dinish Trivedi and appointment of Mr Mukul Roy as the new railway minister. Trinamul Congress workers continue to threaten the administration and politicizing the issues of public. Mamata has also asked the state education department to do away with the writings of Marx and Angels, two all time great political thinkers. Her actions are only proving that she is not different than her predecessors in playing vindictive politics and believe in politicizing the educational system according to her own ideological perspectives.
Mamata’s populist measures will cost Bengal heavily which is already reeling under severe debt crisis. Her continuous ranting of not increasing railway fares has already proving heavy on railways as it would be difficult to run railways on such charitable way. Just to make the train fare cheaper, she forced to compromise on the safety and infrastructure of railways. Unfortunately, like in Delhi where every wrong is thirst on the Congress party, Kolkata desperately wants to see changes which Mamata had promised before she took over the Writer’s Building.

Dictators are not really courageous but very cowards. They are afraid of public criticism as they fear the hollowness of their arguments will get exposed soon. Therefore, attempts are being made to divide the public opinion and blame the past for everything today. Despite all shortcomings of the political class, they did not carry the political differences home. Many of them were part of different political parties but would meet warmly on a tea party. But, the recent order by Mamata to her colleagues in the party that her party workers and sympathizers must not have any relationship with anyone who is close to CPM, is disgusting and sickening to say the least. Political differences do not make you enemy of each other and will not take our society anywhere.

We have seen differences of outlook and ideology between father and son, husbands and wife, between brothers, between mother and brother but that did not make them enemy of each other. It would be better for Mamata to concentrate on her work and leave the media doing its duty. She must not feel offended by media criticism. Now, she is in power and obviously the focus on the government’s work will automatically bring her in limelight. Is not it a fact that you like constant media glare when in opposition but when come to power feel they are offending you. Political satire keeps us going and we should be bold and liberal enough to accept our mistakes and allow this criticism to go. As Sudhir Telang, noted Cartoonist said that if people disappear from political cartoons means his or her political death. They keep politicians in lime light. Mamata would be damaging herself and her party if she feels that she can stop criticism by starting her own channels and dailies. We all know despite a dutiful Doordarshan and Aakashwani, people rose up against emergency in 1975 and defeated Congress Party in the general elections in 1977.

Power corrupt people and absolute power corrupt you more than anything else. Very few people survived this politically. In India such examples are too many where simple politicians got corrupted in the corridors of power. Their life style changed and they started maintaining distances with their own people resulting in their down fall. Mamata has got huge mandate and there is still a great good will towards her. She is considered to be honest and hardworking and it is time for her to concentrate on her work and not on her critiques. No politicians in India could survive because of their mouth pieces. If that were true then Ambanis would have been ruling India as they have everything at their disposal. Most of the big political families in the South have their own channels but they also got defeated. Karunanidhi, YSR and Jayalalitha have their own channels but they also have tasted heavy defeats and their corruption cases also unfolded. CPM has Gonashakti as their party mouth piece but then they were also defeated after 35 years. Mamata must not think that she would be able to control people’s mind through her newspapers. It is time for her to move beyond her critiques and focus on development of Bengal. People will take care of her critiques if her work help the people otherwise the same people would not wait till she is ousted.

Need to revive Kanshiram's mission in Uttar-Pradesh

A historic opportunity for Akhilesh in Uttar-Pradesh By Vidya Bhushan Rawat It may be a co-incident that Akhilesh Yadav is taking over the reins of Uttar-Pradesh today on March 15th which is the birthday of Bahujannayak Manywar Kanshiramji but samajwadi party should utilize this day to reach out a wider section of people who are committed to the Bahujan philosophy of Kanshiram. That it was Kanshiram’s experiment with Samajwadi Party which brought Mulayam Singh Yadav back as chief minister of Uttar-Pradesh in 1993 after the Babari-Masjid demolition. We all remember the euphoria created all over the country over the merging of two icons of the Dalit-Bahujan movement though we knew it well that there were weak links and a political revolution will not succeed in the absence of a cultural revolution despite the good will this combination created all over the country. The counter slogan Uttar-Pradesh witnessed after the thorough communalization played by the Hindutva gangs was ‘mile mulayam kanshiram-hawa ho gaye jaishreeram’. It is a fact that this unity literally threw away the Ram Temple movement from Uttar-Pradesh. Hence a Ram mandir may be an issue for Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh or elsewhere for political reasons but for Uttar-Pradesh, the people have clearly understood the brahmanical agenda behind it and hence rejected it wholeheartedly. That experiment of 1993 threatened to destroy the status quo in Delhi itself and many states were on the verge of following the same experiment. The hitherto political marginalized forces started taking centre stage and started deliberating their own future in the current polity and deciding about their strategies. And the result was that the political changes which were threatening everyone were nullified by creating a permanent wage between the two. Mayawati was propped up BJP to break the alliance in Uttar-Pradesh and the rest is history now. Mulayam’s own behavior during this has been absolutely unfair and not worthy of a chief minister. The guest house incident shook not only Uttar-Pradesh but all of us who believe that parting ways in politics does not mean humiliating the person who was your partner just an hour before and that humiliation was not just political it threatened to be physical that time. Fortunately, the situation was saved from getting into worst and what followed rest is well known to us. That is why I write today that Akhilesh is young and dynamic. He does not have a history of political manipulations. He seems to be forward looking and to make his success stronger he can actually follow the mantra of late Kanshiramji. He can restart the process of building the bridges between the Dalits and OBCs by bringing them together and vigorously following certain things which make Dalits a bit suspicious about Samajwadi party. One of the major focuses of Kanshiram was actually cultural changes though most of them remain symbolic yet they were very important for us. Those changes are now permanent. Buddhism born in Uttar-Pradesh is given its due respect in the state by BSP and it will be good for Akhilesh not to touch upon any of these things. He could do well to promote it but should not anything in the negative that stop this cultural revolution in Uttar-Pradesh. Secondly, Akhilesh should implement the SC-ST Prevention of atrocities act more powerfully if there are cases of violence against Dalits. In Mayawti regime this act was actually made redundant and nobody could question that. Thirdly, it is time for government to evaluate its land acquisition policy. You need development but you cannot develop yourself at the cost of dislocating people and making them landless. UP must come out with a progressive policy where land must not be acquired at any cost if it makes people landless and impact on environment. The government should continue with both Ambedkar village scheme as well as Mahamaya and Kanshiram Awas Yojna. They are important to empower landless Dalits. In fact, the government of Uttar-Pradesh must focus on land redistribution process which has been side tracked by the government in the state. Land Ceiling laws are being circumvented and huge track of lands are being acquired in the name of religious trust. Akhilesh would do well if he and his advisers can formulate policies where the thugs in the name of religion do not amass huge tax free property and absolute uncontrolled land. It is ironical that while government claims it does not possess much land to redistribute to landless people while at the same point it has enough strength and will power to distribute huge plots to religious gurus, big companies. It would be prudent not to destroy people’s livelihood. Uttar-Pradesh needs development. It needs investment in education and health. It needs a lot of planning as the educational system in Uttar-Pradesh is in complete mess. Mr Mulayam Singh Yadav has already done a lot of damage to that system when he virtually ‘legalised’ mass copying forcing the teachers to pass every student. Such ‘favor’ to students will only kill them. Government schools and colleges should be made more accountable and workable. Let the teachers be accountable to village Panchayat. Government must stop the politicization of these schools which is the order of the day. Most of the new colleges and schools are mushrooming out of the MP and MLA local areas funds in connivance of both. It is a dangerous precedent. These colleges are nothing but political power to control. It is time we make them more accountable towards students so that they create better environments. Thousands of children have died in Poorvanchal during the past 5 years because of Japanese encephalitis and yet nothing happened. Our medical colleges and hospitals are in pathetic shape. They do not give patience a confidence of his health and well being. Like a police thana, our hospitals too frighten the people to keep away from them. Many of the Samajwadi party workers, MLAs have already become ‘ministers’ and are taking control of the districts. It is time when party send strong signal to them to behave. It is true that Samajwadi party has not compromised on the issue of Muslims and they voted the party in the largest. The faith of Muslims on Samajwadi party actually sealed the fate of Congress Party’s return in Uttar-Pradesh. So it has a bigger responsibility to take care of them particularly bringing the developmental programmes to Muslim homes. It would be difficult to implement all that is promised in the manifestoes and if they are able to do it, it will give people a confidence. In the last term, Amar Singh and company had control of the Samajwadi Party. There is nothing wrong to invite investors to Uttar-Pradesh but it is also important that they do not take things for granted and given specific task. They cannot dictate to the government against people’s welfare. In Mayawati regime, law and order was relatively better than the previous regime of Samajwadi party. It is therefore important that party’s rogue element be sending clear message not to take law on their hands. Just by blaming the opponents for every criticism will take the government nowhere. Today, when Akhilesh formally become chief minister of Uttar-Pradesh, he must realize one fact that Kanshiram’s biggest achievement was to bring together Dalit Bahujan communities and reviving the great legacy of Dr Ambedkar which was confined to academics and a few pockets, to general masses. It is this legacy of him which has empowered people in Uttar-Pradesh that even the most marginalized people in the state can speak of a political language and fight for their battle. Is it not great that when Bahujan Samaj Party lost power during this election, the new government of Akhilesh Yadav is Samajwadi Party by name but represent huge good will of the shudra communities and Muslims and not from the Brahmins or Thakurs? As a chief minister, he rightly says that the government was voted by all the caste and religions and there is no problem in admitting that but there is a reality also. Nobody can deny that BSP was formed by Kanshiram and that he build up Mayawati to lead it but there is nothing wrong in implementing the vision of Kanshiram by Samajwadi party. Great people become not individual centric but anyone to follow. Kanshiram’s efforts to empower the most marginalized communities as well as bring a cultural change need to be strengthened further. In democracy, people make parties and part ways but it is also the beauty of democracy that we can always take good things from all. Dalit Bahujan history of India cannot ignore the immense contribution of Kanshiram for their political and social empowerment. Uttar-Pradesh today would not have been the same if Kanshiram had not come into the horizon. Both Samajwadi Party and Bahujan Samaj Party may be fighting against each other but they can always implement and work towards the vision and mission of Kanshramji. And what else could be a better day then today when we celebrate his birthday. Let us salute him and his contribution for the vast Dalit Bahujan masses of India and take his message further. Therefore Akhilesh has a historic opportunity which his father lost in 1993. May be that time he was in the coalition government but this time he has got an absolute majority and Samajwadi Party can do well to strengthen the Dalit Bahujan movement initiated by Late Kanshiramji as people all over the country are watching them in great expectations for future. One hope that Akhilesh’s tenure will not give leaverage to those powerful groups who have lost their political power but are manipulating people’s mandate to maintain status quo. These power communities are lying low but have not lost hope. They will try to create a wage between different communities by targeting Muslims particularly raking up the nondescript Ayodhya issue again and again. Therefore, it is important for Samajwadi Party to understand well the philosophy of Kanshiram in keeping a safe distance from these forces who are hell-bent to destroy our peace. Uttar-Pradesh has no place for the communal Hindutva forces and a big contribution for it is the unity of the Dalits and Shudra communities under the leadership of Samajwadi party and Bahujan Samaj Party. It is time to revive the thought of unity among communities. If leaders find time to unite well and good but people must be united towards a new enlightened agenda for future and not putting them to religious fanatics maintaining status quo. Akhilesh has enormous good will of the people and one sincerely hope that he would be able to deliver if he overcome all the prejudices of his party in the past. Uttar Pradesh welcome him with open arm and great hope for future.

In the name of democracy...

Need for radical electoral reforms By Vidya Bhushan Rawat Uttar-Pradesh’s poll results are out. Every body claiming their poll predictions have come true. The election commission has been able to maintain its dignity and impartiality in handling the situation though political parties which are at the receiving end of the Commission’s reprimand normally blame the commission for being bias against them. However, barring some small incidents they have handled the situation better so far. Yet, despite all this, the role of illicit money has not been curbed during the elections and every day we receive reports of money being confiscated by the police in these states. After the results are out Uttar-Pradesh has seen an unprecedented tense situation in the ground zero which is its rural areas. The Samajwadi party workers and BSP workers have clashed at many places. Those who understand Uttar-Pradesh and Bihar, know it well that the litmus test for Samajwadi party now comes in Uttar-Pradesh. Elections are not development as suggested by our electoral analysts but sharing in power. And it is this which has resulted in fight among different communities and manipulations by political parties. It is not just political parties, communities are too engaged in these manipulations to gain political power and hence alliances are developed and ‘villains’ are ‘constructed’. For millions of BSP supporters all over the country, Mulayam Singh was the villain number one but today it is Behajni’s term to face the wrath. The problem is that in the great ego of political leaders, it is the poor which is facing the brunt of the mafias and goons. It must stop now. Though, parties have been manipulating castes to get into parliament or assemblies and our media and election commission thumping its chest even if the poll percentage was just around 60, in fact in many places it was below 60%, it is time to seriously think about a better and alternative system. The system which will give dignity to even smaller group or communities rather than taking them as either a vote bank or enemy who will be thrashed once the results are out as happening in Uttar-Pradesh at the moment. We need a serious analysis of the community wise representation in the assemblies. A preliminary analysis of the data showed that Samajwadi party got 29% votes of the total vote polled yet got 56% seats i.e. 225 in an assembly of 403 while BSP which got just less than 3% votes than Samajwadi party got just 19% seats. Congress Party’s vote share in UP was 14% but the seat it could secure was just 9%. While in Uttar-Pradesh the tragedy of vote polled and seat secured is not visible that way as it shows in Punjab where Akali Dal secured 34.75% votes and got 56 seats (nearly 48%) while Congress Party got 41% votes yet 46 seats which is around 39% of the seat secured. While Poll observers may eagerly explain the ‘dance’ of ‘greatest’ democracy in Uttar-Pradesh which is a laboratory for all the experiments based on caste, religious and region. In the past twenty years, Uttar-Pradesh has the political parties which used these terminologies for their own purposes whether it is empowerment of Dalits or Bahujan but the fact is that in the past assembly Uttar-Pradesh did not have a single MLA from Balmiki community which is very large community mainly confined in urban areas of the state. There are other most marginalized communities among the Dalits, Muslims and backward communities which would never ever get representation unless something is done to protect their interest. Tharus, one of the tribe community in the Tarai of Uttar Pradesh and Uttarakhand, right from Maharajganj, Baharaich, Lakhimpurkhiri and Khatima have virtually no representation in the assembly except for one Tharu MLA in Uttarakhand from Khatima constituency, though latest report is that he too lost during these elections. Boxas, one of the primitive tribe groups of Uttarakhand, Kols, a tribal group in Bundelkhand (Ironically, Kol crossing over to Madhya Pradesh are tribal in government list and in Uttar-Pradesh are scheduled castes) are virtually unrepresented in assemblies and parliament. Such situation exists for many other marginalized communities among Muslims as well as backward classes. The concern over reducing Muslim representation in our parliament and assemblies is not without any reasons for they do not even have reserved constituencies though the Dalits and Aadivasis in particular feel that reserved constituencies have not really worked for the political empowerments of these sections of society but a few individuals from these communities who are elected on the votes of all electorates and therefore in this age of caste polarization, it is the other vote that matter as political leaders take their own community votes for granted. This was the reason for Dr Ambedkar asking for separate electorate for the Dalits in the famous round table conference in London in 1932. There is a dire need to address the follies of our electoral system which has not been able to curtail political corruption. Today, candidate are fielded not just to win, but to get some particular candidate defeated in the constituency. Money is being paid hugely to field bogus candidate who are called ‘vote katua’ whose sole aim would be to get his community vote and indirectly benefit to the opponent. This apart, some parties benefit from low turn out of the voters while some other benefit from neutral voters. There is no benefit to people who boycott a candidate as some other would vote and these voters who boycott would be used by the opponent or supporters according to their political loyalty. To curtail such an unhealthy practice and making communities as vote bank or vote katua, mixed member constituencies could be created to provide representations to those communities who remain unrepresented despite their huge number. Various suggestions are being put forward to improve the system but the fault line is our parliamentary system which is based on First Past the Post System. This system gives enough chances of manipulations to powerful groups and moneybag holders. There is no ceiling of getting minimum votes for winning a constituency which has resulted in a shocking trend of manipulation to win the election by using different methods of caste, religion and moneybags. The biggest fault of this system is that the winner vote through a minority vote resulting in a vast majority of voters voting against the candidate as unrepresented and uncounted. Is not it an irony that out of 542 members of Lok Sabha, we do not even have 2% of the members whose winning margin is over 50% of the total vote polled in his constituency. Similarly, there is a huge anomaly in voting percentage (national average or state average) and the seat won in the assembly. That too results in hugely unrepresented votes. For example, in the 2009 general elections, Congress party got 28.55% votes out of the total vote polled but it got 37.94% seats ( 206), similarly BJP got 18.80 votes but 21% seats. Contrary to this, the party’s which belong to particular segments of our society and have been trying to create a niche for the poor remain marginalized. The Bahujan Samaj Party got 6.17% of the total votes but got only 3.87% of the seats in Lok Sabha while CPI (M) got 5.33% of the total vote polled yet got 16 seats which is 2.95% of the total seat won. Such vast gap between the votes polled and seat won need to be questioned if we want to reduce political corruption. Is not it a great joke that Nitish Kumar is the most popular leader with just 21% of total vote polled while CPI(M) is ‘wiped out’ with 40% vote polled. It is time to address these fault lines so that every party get seat according to vote polled and every winning candidate must get over 50% of the total valid votes in his constituency. Democracy in India need to go beyond symbolism and therefore it would be advisable that we slowly switch over to Proportionate Electorate System (PES) which could address these anomalies and provide us a truly representative character of democracy. PES is widely being the main electorate system in Europe and many other parts of the world and India must start thinking on it before it is too late for us to handle the situation. After the Punjab fiasco Congress must have courage to look into it and ponder over Proportionate Electoral System and its benefits. India must adopt a political system which strengthen its integrity yet be more representative. It is also a fact that if BSP support PES, it has larger chances in the electoral system. Even today, as far as vote share is concern, Mayawati has got 26% of total votes polled in UP which should have given her 105 seats in the current assembly in PES. India will pay a heavy price if we do not shift to a better political alternative which is more representative in nature and yet unite India and its diverse communities where those who do not vote to a particular parties do not get thrashed as happening in Uttar-Pradesh at the moment., a system which give minorities their right to participate in power on equitable term and not at the mercy of a dominant community. The current trend of democracy revolve around ‘particular’ community in each states which cobble together a few others ‘like minded’ while pitched in against those who ‘differ’. This has resulted in chaos and virtual caste war in different parts of the country which media may be reporting some time and hiding at other. Uttar-Pradesh will go through this phase now and it is the biggest challenge but then the poll results of Uttar-Pradesh and Punjab are an opportunity for those who fights for genuine representative democracy to push forward agenda for Proportionate Electorate System.

India Need Electoral Reforms

American model of electoral system detrimental for democracy in India By Vidya Bhushan Rawat ‘Our Parliament is not functioning’, says Shashi Tharoor adding that we must ensure that the governance is not reduced to a complete paralysis as India’s geo political situation is very delicate with Pakistan on one side and China on the other. Therefore, lack of political will and inability of Parliament to get through important bills and legislations will have serious consequences on our national security and hence we must start thinking better options for democratic governance where executive is not held captive by the ‘parliament’ under various pulls and pressure of different parties in the coalition era. Tharoor does not stop here, he goes further that it is important that ‘knowledgeable’ people must join governance so that they can put their ‘expertise’ for the ‘national’ cause. And what could be the best model for India other than following the presidential form of government that United States of America follow where the Executive led by the president does not need to be in the Congress every day to get their things passed. India is already in the coalition era and will have to learn live under this. Coalition politics these days is being termed as politics of compulsion. Today, all the ills of corruptions are being blamed on coalition politics without ever understanding that in the past we had coalition government lead by prime ministers whose integrity were beyond doubt. Whether it was Morarji Desai or V.P.Singh, one might have differences with their brand of politics but not with their political financial integrities. Both of them did not cling to power by compromising their basic principles or hire purchasing political leaders to save their governments and immediately resigned. In fact, V.P.Singh’s Mandal action formed the foundation of social coalition of various marginalized and oppressed communities to achieve political power through peaceful democratic means. Today, faced with growing assertion of the marginalized sections of people, the mainstream parties are under severe pressure to exceed to their demands. However, the main problems these parties are facing is the growth of the hitherto unrepresented communities for participation in the decision making and power structure which was aptly defined by late Shri Kanshiram, the founder of BSP as vote hamara raj tumhara nahee chalega nahe chalega. Suddenly, the middle classes started an aversion for democracy. With Lalu, Mulayam, Mayawati, Ramvilas Paswan, etc coming to the forefront of politics was highly detested. Unfortunately, in the absence of a statesmanship among the leadership created opportunistic alliances. The leaders of these communities also started opportunistic politics and making alliances with powerful people to remain in power. Power became a tool to further family interest while family became the ‘voice’ and ‘dignity’ of an entire community. Since 1989, India is passing through another phase which is called coalition politics. The power of the strong north Indian based parties dominating India has sharply diminished and regional parties have become voice of the people of their region. This is a good sign as long as these parties pursues politics of people and not centered around individuals but unfortunately things are going from bad to worst as our entire electoral system is based on promoting individualities. The problem is that India was not prepared institutionally to tackle such situations which are arising in the coalition era. It needs political maturity and statesmanship to handle issues out of regional and communal identities as well as parties speaking in the name of their region or communities. Today, these have become regular chant of rhetoric posing serious threat to the stability of the government at the centre. Though, in the states we have option of tackling such a situation with presidential rule, in the centre there are no such mechanism. Coalition governments are not bane at all as Kanshiram said once, but better for the people as the dominating parties would not listen to the people. People have seen how duly elected governments were dismissed in different states by the Congress party in the 1980s. The dismissal of NT Rama Rao government in Andhra Pradesh by governor Ram Lal and then by Jagmohan in Jammu Kashmir are well known to be documented here. Such dictatorial actions of political leaders harm the democracy and ultimately give rise to anti democratic activities in the region. There is a serious democracy deficit in various parts of India. Whether it is Kashmir or North East, Chhatishgarh or Jharkhand, the political parties are unable to take up the challenge of insurgency. The war in Chhattishgarh is a glaring example how we perceive the issue of tribal. There are issues to seriously ponder over as why we have been unable to provide a credible political alternative in the aadivasi areas. Our parliament can discuss the issue of Anna Hazare in a special session with 24 hours news channels but it has no time so far to assuage the feelings of tribal, their issues and therefore their alienation is complete in Central India. The government is withdrawing every where from social sphere which is a phenomenon in post 1990s but in one area where the government is heavily spending is nuclearisation and militarization of our country. Secondly, governments have become virtually real estate agents and were more interested in 9% growth phenomena then looking after the interest of the people. With active support of corporate media, governments ignored the people’s protest against land acquisitions and went on crushing any kind of dissent related to that terming those support protest and rights of tribal as anti national. However, the end result of this process was corruption and more corruption. When the governments become brokers, there is bound to be corruption around. Whether it was land acquisition or privatization process, the level of political corruption has grown so much that for the first time in India, the middle classes felt the punch. With prices of essential commodities hitting over the roof top the voices of protest were growing yet unreported and unconcerned political parties were looking at these issues with ‘ultra-nationalists’ propaganda. As the violent protest increased in the forest of Bastar or regions of Orrisa, Jharkhand and Bengal, industries were pressurizing the government to ‘act’. Amidst this, regional political parties were raising their own vote bank with populist measures and the government at the centre has realized unless something is done drastically, it would be difficult to run the government. As the parliament remain unfunctional on various issues and frankly not on the issue of tribal unrest or land acquisition but on the issue of ‘corruption’, a congress member of Parliament Shashi Tharoor, who had worked with United Nations has come out with an idea of switching to American model of presidential system. Tharoor’s idea is not new as in the past former senior Congress leader late Vasant Sathe and BJP minister Arun Shourie has openly advocated to switch over from the current system to American model. It is not just the political parties, in fact the so-called direct democracy concept itself is nothing but promotion of individual based system making the parliament virtually captive to the executive and developing an executive without any accountability to our parliament. What could be the reason for the same? It is clear that status quoits forces are up in arm against the growing assertion of identities. Today, the ‘educated’ and ‘intellectual’ class of upper castes are feeling ‘threatened’ with non passage of various bills which are important for the ‘industry’. How can government get through FDI bill which fell through in Rajya Sabha in the absence of a majority of UPA . In Lok Sabha too, the government has to do a lot of hard work to get things done. Government had many other agenda items to facilitate the international agencies, to industries as well but its inability to do so is costing it the tag of being a ‘credible’ government. It still wants to be a ‘facilitator’ for the industries and coalition politics and numbers are a big worry for it. Hence rather than finding a solution for betterment of this situation, it want to go for a short cut which would be useful to those who can manage media well. India is a diverse country and hence it needs a political system where the interest of minorities, Dalits and Aadviasis are well protected. It still need a system where supremacy of parliament remain but where the parliamentarian must get a minimum of 50% total votes polled to be eligible to be a member of Parliament. How can we accept a winner who has lost his deposit? Is it not a sham democracy then? Can we allow a system where popular governments are being formed on 20-30% votes polled. There is a huge gap between the vote polled and the actual seat won in our assemblies and parliament. Many time the party which has bigger vote share lose the election while party with lesser vote share is in the power. A margin of 2% of votes change the power equations. How can we ensure that these votes convert into seats so that there is no wastage of votes. Therefore, India need to develop a model of its own on the basis of Proportionate Electorate System. Why cant we have some mix member constituencies so that some of those communities which never got a representation are able be there in our power structure? Proportionate Electorate System is needed to a diverse country like India to ensure a representative government. Today, in the name of representation, we have individuals who have been winning from particular constituencies for years. Cant we fix term for our member of parliaments and others so that politics does not become a business for them. The American model will undo whatever we have got due to this lengthy parliamentary process. Today, we are campaigning on the basis of the American model which centres around individuals. With usage of advertising agencies, media and helicopters to reach the masses, the money power is already visible in these elections. It is not just advertisement but the dangers of paid news is already seen by us. The thin line between advertisement and paid news is already blurred as it is difficult to make out for a common man whether it is a paid news or advertisement or actual news. Ads agencies are working over time and parties are spending millions of rupees in it. How can you reduce expenses. The dangers of American model is that the corporate become integral part of your fund raising for the president India can not afford that much of resources by corporate pitching in for political parties. Very easily such crony capitalists will force government to fulfill its agenda. As we know, American president can make any one as his minister who is not necessarily a member of Congress and presidential decisions are not based on Congress as ultimate power of veto lies with him, it would be dangerous for India to have a system where parliament become virtually redundant. We have seen that in 1975 in a dictatorial regime of Indira Gandhi when she imposed emergency on the country. A powerful prime minister without his or her accountability to the Parliament can be a virtual threat to democracy itself. We can not afford to have corporatocracy in this country. The ‘experts’ are looking for greener pasture. The problem with them is that they are winning election because many times hypes are woven around them. Now, the corporates, experts want to become Ministers without going to the people as happens in America. Arun Shourie and the likes feel why should ‘poor’ ‘rustic’ villagers become ministers. ‘Why should those who were always ruled are todays rulers’. ‘ They do not know English, they are corrupt and an obstacle to India shining’. So we need some ‘presentable’ face to attract foreign investment and therefore our cabinet must be covered with these experts who may not like to go to people with folded hands as they might not have done so ever. The parliamentary process makes all the arrogant fellows also to beg for votes and even cry in front of the people though we know these cries are also farcical most of the time. Yet, whether these are called nautankis or not, they have to do it. Our election commissioner mentioned that corruption is the biggest threat to our electoral system. I want to add here that it is only in the proportionate electorate System that state funding could be ensured and no chance of creating hatred and winning votes. Actually, the first past the post system, which are practicing today is quite close to American pattern. Here a Narendra Modi could come with huge mandate of the people without ever careing that people means Muslims, Dalits and Aadivasis too in the similar way as we witnessed the 1985 elections which brought Rajiv Gandhi with huge mandate on the hatred created against Sikhs. If India has to be a truly secular democracy where voices of its marginalized are heard and represented in our democratic institutions then it must go for bigger reform and most importantly think about Indian model of Proportionate Electorate System and not to imitate the American model for its purposes to get rid of the dissenting people. India suffers from democratic deficit and true representation of its marginalized and minorities and an American model imitation would be suicidal for the very health of democracy with unfettering invisible powers in the hands of crony capitalists will only prove detrimental for the idea of India which stand for social justice and democratic values. * The writer is the National Executive Member of Campaign for Electoral Reforms in India ( CERI) which has launched a campaign towards Proportionate Electorate System in India.

Happy New Year 2012

A new year wish to end the caste corruption in India Dear friends, This is to wish you all wonderful days ahead in year 2012. We have witnessed the strong role of the social movements in changing the fortunes of many countries. But it is also a fact that in the absence of an alternative there seems to be an organised chaos existing in many of these countries which hoped that they would change the power for the better. India also witnessed a strong protest for the Lokpal bill which is now proved to politicised. While there is no doubt that we need strong Lokpal or ombudsman yet it is equally important it does not infringe the constitutional provisions and delicate power balance by handing over the power to some unaccountable retired or present day 'experts'. The fight for a Lokpal need to be understand in that way. After years of struggle, we were able to form a constitution of ours which gave opportunity to all ( I can understand many would disagree) but the Dalits, Minorities and backward communities feel it as their constitution. It is not that they all respect the government structure or not interested to eliminate the corruption. How can people victim of caste, religious and gender violence in India ignore the issue of corruption. The problem is those who shout at top and added with great media circus are the one who have no opinion or cleverly sideline the issue of the marginalised sections of society. Yes, they would not speak against the corrupt corporate, film stars, business houses and illegal land grab by the religious gurus as all of them want to 'fight' against 'corruption'. The joke of this campaign is that it has actually awakened the marginalised sections of society against the social fascism which exists in India. India's political system will not work unless we attain social democracy. Unfortunately. Anna Hazare and his team does not think that way as they think that more the laws are better to govern India. It is unfortunate that in the name of eradicating corruption, middle classes which enjoy the power through corruption is now talking of corruption. Anyway, corruption without fight against social fascism in India and a war against untouchability and caste system will never succeed. Yes, the religio fascist forces are up in arms. They are using science and technology. Middle class Indians can not survive without these babas, sadhus and hypocrites which are perfect breeding grounds for fanatic middle classes which want to enjoy the globalisation, power without question and control India in the name of fight against corruption. Yes, a perfect wish for a happy new year would be to get rid of these thugs who cheat people as Prof Venkat Ramakrishanana said by maintaining that Astrology is not science. It will be good if government of India understand this and regulate TV Channels including the news channels who are spreading this poison of Brahmanical system into our mind. If these things are not controlled and stopped, there will be a big disaster for India. The fascist forces will use these 'super natural' power holder for their own purposes. Interestingly, none of team Anna member ever question these Babas and how they amassed huge properties. Is that not corruption when they claim to treat every disease. Is that not corruption when Sai Baba died in a first class medical hospital despite claiming super natural powers. Hope in the coming days, these fads will be exposed. The only hope is not middle class and our new channels but from India's poor who despite all this orchestrated campaign are still not attracted to them. Hope the middle classes will develop a scientific attitude and question these thugs who want to control their mind. Government of India must head to the advise of Justice Markandey Katju, the chairman of the Press Council of India regarding the contents of these programmes. Many of them could be booked under gambling and cheating act. We must canvas for a law that control these tricktsters in the name of possessing the super natural power. I wish India will be a Prabuddha Bharat, enlightened India where the dirty character of our great society is exposed and all those fighter against corruption understand that caste is the most corrupt thing that could happen to India. Let us eliminate caste system and untouchability. Are those fighting against corruption ready to expose our notorious caste system and truly ready to fight against it. In the din of fight against corruption, we have completely forgotten the tribal war against corruption where the corrupt Industries are in land grab. Is the fight against corruption, a clear cut deviation from other important issues where people are fighting for their rights, autonomy and human rights. Is India just Delhi, Mumbai, Hyderabad and Kolkata with a few middle classes claiming to be more Indian than others. Such communal colours of nationalism must be rebutted. Nationalism is not the monopoly of those who take a tricolor in the street and violate the traffic rules and hound the nation. In fact, this nationalistic perception is actually asking the government to be more stringent in law making rather than understanding the issues. Hope the land struggle of millions of Dalits, tribal and farmers will be given due space in our media. Indian media need to take these issues into consideration particularly the loudmouth TV channel otherwise, it is indeed the need of the hour to expose the hidden agenda of the media. I hope some of our media analyst would do it so that we can understand what is behind the news. And finally, I wish, India could be saved from Messiahs. It would be better. Please do not create these fatalistic messiahs as Messiahism takes you to fascist tendencies. India can do better without Gods, goddesses, babas, Sadhus and messiahs. Have a safe year ahead and keep up writing against the corrupt practices of our 'great' 'culture' that remain hidden so far. Wish you all success in your life. Yours Sincerely, Vidya Bhushan Rawat

Tribute : Dev Anand

A legend who celebrated life By Vidya Bhushan Rawat None of us can believe that Dev Anand is no more. Dev Anand is going to live for ever as long as there is music in life as art transcends cultural boundaries, nations and generations. In this age of stolen stories, corrupt practices to promote films and communalised mindset to gain patronage from political groups, Dev Anand was refreshing challenging to the system without mincing so many words. He was never hypocrite even when his films were banned by Sanjay Gandhi and his brigades during the emergency for not toeing the ‘official line’. While we can remember lot of his films and songs which will always make us feel younger, Dev Anand’s life gives us many new insights for living. That one can never be a legend in hatred. We all have suffered in our lives. Some suffer more and some less. That happiness and sorrow are part of lives. Dev Anand and his generations of artists particularly Raj Kapoor and Dilip Kumar hailed from undivided Punjab. The partition had created animosity and a sense of despair. Major States of India like Bengal and Punjab witnessed communal disturbances. Even today, the popular psyche remains communal in these states despite all pretensions of secularism. Similar things have been witnessed in Pakistan too. Yet, the most fascinating part of it is that the legacy that these legends left on us was not of hatred or communalism but of secular values, of love and compassion. Dev Anand proudly carried that legacy which actually transcends everything, hatred and despair. He was an eternal optimist, a life giver, a man who believed in his principles of life and never tried to get them justified. Often, we live according to society and try to get fixated in the norms of society. Dev Anand broke that tradition. He lived on his conditions of life. He challenged the norms of life without making loud noise. Whether it were his films which despite poor business, could never made him depressed or his own personal life which was linked to so many beautiful stars of his time. How can a man be of so much energy in this age of 89. Well, I could say having lived a small part of my life with Dr Mulk Raj Anand that for the legends, it is romancing with life, spreading love and eschewing hatred and prejudices, which make people into legends. The day we are able to overcome these, a Dev Anand will emerge inside us. It is important to understand the cinema of that period when India was passing through change and its political leadership was still swearing to basic principals of secularism and socialism. If Raj Kapoor could bring Shri 420, Awara and Jis Desh Mein Ganga Bahti hai, which reflected the political statement of the film maker, his belief in democratic secularism, then film like Paying Guest, Guide, Teen Deviyaan, Prem Pujari made by Dev Anand showed eternal optimism of young India. Film maker like B.R.Chopra created magic with Naya Daur and Waqt. Even when India’s polity could not completely turn secular yet it were the films and lyrics in the cinema which reflected how India’s destiny was in living together spreading love and overcoming hatred. Naushad, Dilip Kumar, Sahir, Shailendra, Mazrooh Sultanpuri, S.D.Berman, Mohammad Rafi and many like them with deeply nationalistic secular socialist principals entertained us. The entertainment was not just symbolic but their belief and values as well as part of their life and culture. They showed that despite partition of India, the division of the heart and minds of people was difficult and the people of India as well as that of Pakistan loved them. These songs and lyrics not just entertained us but provided healing balm to many broken heart. It is a fact and I want to admit that despite my reservations to orthodoxy in the films, there were very few at least of that generation, who influenced the psyche of youngsters like me and help us build our ideals. It is important to see how these icons succeeded in their lives. Partition uprooted many and yet when they came to India and moved to Mumbai to make their attempt in the film industry, it was not an easy task. Their films and depictions had the close reflections of our life particularly that of rural India. Each film had dynamism and films like Guide are epitome of love and life. At the time, when most of our films were making people cry, many narrating stories of pains in the life of good people, Dev Anand suggested that there was life beyond pain. Life is not just Dukha dukha, it was happiness too. Among all the stars of his time, he reflected the urbane young face of our films. Cinema of the 1950s and 1960s is nothing without wonderful lyrics and entertaining music. Raj Kapoor, Dilip Kumar and Dev Anand were the three iconic figures of that period and yet the generations even loved them. None of them tried to copy and yet all the three had wonderful partners. Mukesh, Mohammad Rafi and Kishore Kumar flourished that time. Who can think a Raj Kapoor with out Shankar Jaikishan, Khwaza Ahmed Abbas and Mukesh, Dilip Kumar without Mohammad Rafi, Naushad as music director and Sahir as the lyric writer and then Dev Anand, without S.D.Berman and Mazrooh Sultanpuri. It is not remarkable that Mazrooh’s romantic numbers of Dev Anand remain unmatchable even today and can be seen being played at the radio more than ever. Dev Anand gives us message of living life to the fullest even in most disturbing time. That life is not to be legitimised by your popularity or acceptability as despite being an iconic figure his films did not do well in the past thirty years. One does not know which his last hit films were yet the passion which he made them showed us the way. Even if he were not making any films, his life remained an example. In today’s time, when we try to find the outcome in the beginning, when we look that film makers, writers compromise with their perceptions and are ready to go to any extent to make their film successful. He never believed in so called remixing terming that those who are making them have run out of ideas. He never thrived on his past glory and continued with working. That I am still working is the best award, he opined in an interview with Star News. Love of people is the best award and ‘ I enjoy life he had said’. It is this energy in him that inspired me a lot. Do your work with complete conviction and do not get bothered about comments and ‘acceptability’. We all know ours is a huge country where to gain popularity and acceptability we do all kind of tricks. Dev Anand was an unIndian that way. He never believed in that hero worshipping which we are habitual of. He broke many myths including that only sadness would make you hit. Ofcourse, during his period Dilip Saheb was the ultimate Devdas yet Dev Anand would never be a devdas, instead he would make another attempt to a romantic life and would not accept failure. He would not drink to celebrate his failure but make another attempt to live a better life and romance with it. Today, it was sad day. I know many of my friends with whom, I passed some of the most fascinating moments of my life, are sad today. How they would jump on every action of Dev, his style, dresses and songs of his films. All of them will always be part of our life to celebrate life and romance with it. Life is not just to cry and weep but to enjoy. Life is to do something in deepest struggling moments. And today, when Dev Anand breathed his last in London, his story will always reminds us the power of love and power of romance. His face, smile and untiring work will always provide energy to all of us who believe in positive energy of life. ‘ The biggest love he says is getting engaged to your work without expecting too much of it. The ‘Guide’ whose ‘Gata rahe mera dil’ is committed to his love and promise her to be with her in happiness as well as difficult moments of life, who dare to dream despite all adverse situation. It was a movie much before its time. The songs, lyrics or acting, the films for Dev Anand were not just entertainment but mission of life with his convictions which has become a rare commodity today. The biggest casualty in today’s entertainment industry is its honesty and marketing of hypocrisy. In his films, Dev Anand rarely used religious symbolism to promote his values; instead he remained far more progressive and liberal democrats. That is why despite differences on remixing and remaking of old films and songs, he defended the rights of people to make it, though he never believed that any body could recreate Guide. Dev Anand is physically no more yet his life and films will always inspire us and entertain the people and his values of life would be more than ever relevant in today’s world. Thank you Dev Saheb for entertaining us and making us believe that romance of life is the best award that anybody could get. It is to make ‘ pyaar ka jahan’ every where in complete harmony with nature. Life is romance and romance is not just love and sex but engagement with work. Definitely, as long as we live we will always get inspire from ‘ main jindagi ka saath nibhata chala gaya…

The opening of a Pandora Box By Vidya Bhushan Rawat Uttar-Pradesh state assembly in its shortest ever session of eleven minutes only passed a resolution for carving out four states from Uttar-Pradesh. The resolution has now gone to the Central government for their perusal. However, we all know, that this is not going to happen that easily for which our political pundits are making noises and parties going for and against it. Let me be clear in the very beginning that I have no objection of Ms Mayawati raising the issue for political purposes. In politics you raise the issue in the people’s court and it is up to them how they react. Rajiv Gandhi went for a national poll immediately after Indira Gandhi’s assassination in October 1984 and won with a landslide majority. Gujarat Chief Minister used the same anti Muslim card for his comeback. Ayodhya’s issue raised by Advani and company finally help BJP to take its tally from 2 to 120 in Parliament and converted it to India’s main opposition party. So, political debate in India has stooped so low that we must not expect too much from them. Now let us examine the issue of division of Uttar-Pradesh. One may ask this question as why should we only divide Uttar-Pradesh and reduce it to nothing. Politically Uttar-Pradesh is an important state for every political party and today, if we are witnessing the assertion among the DAlits and OBC political leadership all over the country, the credit goes to Uttar-Pradesh. In fact, Bihar comes second to Uttar-Pradesh as far as Dalit assertion and political understanding is concern. Today, BSP is the only party based on Ambedkarite principals (whether they work on it or not is not the question here but they claim to follow it), which is in power. In Maharastra, the RPIs failed and that too miserably forcing many of them to even form alliance with Shiv Sena. Can we ever imagine a party formed by Ambedkar and on his principals forming alliance with rabid anti dalit and anti Muslim party like Shiv Sena or MNS? Have we forgotten how Shiv Sena opposed violently the naming of Marathwada University in the name of Baba Saheb Ambedkar in the 1980s? For us who have seen the danger of majoritarian politics, secular polity of India is thankful to Uttar-Pradesh and Bihar for successfully able to thwart the designs of communal fascist forces in the country. We all know that the Sangh Parivar and its offshoots are completely helpless in Uttar-Pradesh and Bihar at the moment as their hegemony has completely destroyed at least politically. The Dalits, OBCs and Muslims are building alliances and coming close. Uttar-Pradesh is the biggest laboratory for that. The second phase of Mandalisation process has already begun in Uttar-Pradesh. It is the reemergence of MBCs and Maha Dalits or excluded dalits. Nitish Kumar played a card in Bihar to gain from it but fortunately in UP, it is the emergence of these segments and they can play their own politics. So, it is second phase Mandal process where even the Mahadalits, MBCs and Pasamanda Muslims are joining hand for their political participation. With BSP increasingly tilting as Chamar-Brahmin alliance, the excluded Dalits and MBCs have no other option than to form an alliance and look for their future. In this background comes the news of division of Uttar-Pradesh. There is no proof that smaller states are better governed or bigger states are worst. Why should then we have a huge country which is ungovernable? Should not we say that India is an unmanageable country? But then, every small identity that merges with India also gets benefit of its strength. It happen same to the states. Question is not whether a state should be big or small. The real question is whether the people in the state want to live together or not. Whether there is a cultural difference or a feeling of isolation by one segment of people or not? We all know when Uttarakhand was created, I protested against it for the fear that the majoritarian upper castes will not allow the Dalits and OBCs to live peacefully. We all know how the condition of Dalits in Uttarakhand where no government till date have been able to spend the SCP meant for SC-STs. The money goes unspent. The job quota is not filled adequately and the social ostracisation of the community is enormous even when there is no physical intimidation in the hills. The conditions in Harit Pradesh or Paschim Pradesh are different. This is the fiefdom of the Jats and Gujjars. The Dalits here are predominantly depended on agricultural work. Ofcourse, they have also grown up but the relationship between them and the upper castes is well known here. In the Bundelkhand region Kurmis, Brahmins and Thakurs dominate. Violence against Dalits particularly the Kol tribal go unreported. The Poorvanchal is the region where BSP remained stronger but that too with the help of ‘poor’ ‘brahmins’ so we can understand how will it help them. It is equally important to see how the state of Uttar-Pradesh can merge Faizabad, Pratapgarh and Sultanpur in the Poorvanchal State though historically they have been part of Avadh. In fact, before the capital of Avadh moved to Lucknow, Faizabad was its capital. Is not it a travesty of truth? Similarly, Agara, Kanpur and Allahbad should be nearer to Bundelkhand rather than Avadh Pradesh or Pooravanchal Pradesh. It would have been great if the serious issue had discussion in the beginning so that people are well equipped with knowledge about the act. Secondly, do we hate Uttar-Pradesh that much that we want to eliminate the very name of Uttar-Pradesh itself. Third, why should only Uttar-Pradesh be divided? Why not other big states like Madhya Pradesh, Maharastra, West Bengal, Jammu and Kashmir, Rajasthan, Andhra Pradesh, Gujarat and Bihar? It is important to understand the dynamics of our political class. Even when the state can be divided for administrative reasons, let there be a state reorganization commission. There are a lot of unfulfilled agenda of the past. A place like Belgaum creates violence on the issue of Marathi verses Kannada in Karnataka. Why should a Marathi speaking town such as Belgaum be part of Karnataka? Similarly, the issue of Abohar and Fazilka in Punjab became bone of contention between Punjab and Haryana. We all know the issue of Naga areas in Manipur for which the state is still facing the blockade. Jammu and Ladhakh have nothing in common with Kashmir valley and have distinct cultural identity of their own. India needs small states to govern efficiently. Ofcourse, India needs to increase its size of parliament too. India requires radical changes including that in our parliamentary structure. Problem is not just with the governance of state. Our states or parliament is not really representative of our communities. Despite sizeable presence in Uttar-Pradesh and Uttarakhand, the Tharus, one of the most celebrated tribes of our country, have just one member of assembly in Uttarakhand. Communities like Balmikis, Khatiks, Kols, Doms, Nais remain unrepresented. Many of the most marginal communities remain outside the realm of our parliamentary politics. So what will these new state offers to them? Frankly speaking, the new state might reduce the already diminishing Dalit-OBC representation so chances for the most marginalized one would be difficult to come. It needs to change India’s parliamentary system. If we see the state of Chhatishgarh and Jharkhand, both are Adivasi dominated yet have been dominated by the non adivasis in political leadership. The least said about Jharkhand’s political leadership the best. In one night, Madhu Koda signed more than 300 deals which could never have happened in a state like Bihar. A big state is a challenge for officials as they fear mass protest if the political leadership is sidelined. A state like Uttar-Pradesh is bigger than many countries and therefore the chief minister of the state is respected and is relatively powerful. No official or bureaucrat can take her for granted but all these small states are being run by the coterie of bureaucrats or the chamchas of the political class. The experience shows that they are ruthless in tackling dissent and opposition. Economically, most of these states are dependent on the Centre for financial support. Creation of new state poses great economic stress. Not only does it need new infrastructure, legislative assemblies, governor’s houses, bungalows etc. Our political class will not live in ordinary areas. In the fifties it was easier for new states to be developed as places like Lucknow, Hyderabad, Madras, Banglore, Thiruvnanathpuram had already had infrastructures for everything. But now the new states will be more burdens to people. Most importantly, in the new state, we will not have new leaders but the same old ones who have been sucking our blood all the time. Example from Uttarakhand, Jharkhand, Chhatishgarh and north east clearly indicate that they have become police state. It is also true that big corporate find is easier to tackle the political leadership in these states easily than in the bigger states. While, I do not believe in the argument whether smaller states are better or big states are useful. The question should be addressed according to local demands, cultural issues and most importantly economic viabilities of such states. It would be better if Centre comes out with a specific time frame for a State Reorganisation Commission which should look into all aspect such interstate issues such as Bundelkhand and Poorvanchal which cannot be created just out of Uttar-Pradesh but will have to be carved out of Madhya Pradesh too. Lot of issues but if the petty politics takes over then the whole exercise would be too dangerous for the unity of the country. A country like India can accommodate more state and bigger parliament but for that we need serious discussion and a time found agenda and framework of SRC so that we can address the issue in the utmost national interest. Let the political parties not whip up passion and create a frenzy in the name of ‘small is best’, as it could prove contrary also because at the end the political leadership as well as the working class of each state in India will emerge from ourselves only. Hence , whether it is small or big, at the end of the day, it is we the people of India, who will provide leadership to these states. It is not going to come from anywhere else. There is no denial of fact that people today aspire for more decentralized power structure but at the same point of time, also look for safe guards of communities who have never got representation. So, India need a reorganization of not only its state, but its political system in entirety otherwise, these so called new states or small state will have the same elite dominating with much bigger brutality over minorities as they have been in the past. The issue of creation of states have to be based on demands of people and should not be imposed by the political leadership from the above. An empowered State Reorganisation Commission should be asked to look into it and till then we can make a moratorium on the issue, except the already decided issue of Telangana which need to be created based on popular demands of the people of the region. Denying that in the name of unity and integrity of Greater Telangana will be an injustice to the entire struggle of the people. Such generalization can damage the cause of unity of people. Uttar-Pradesh government’s issue is different as there is neither a mass movement nor a public revolt for creating so many states out of Uttar-Pradesh. Ofcourse, it is good that Ms Mayawati has given it a serious thought but it is equally important that the issue be debated widely and should not be resolved without a State Reorganisation Commission as the stake holders are not just in Uttar-Pradesh but also in other states.

A letter to Chief Minister of Uttarakhand..

How long will you deny justice to Dalits in Uttarakhand.... Mr Bhuvan Chandra Khanduri, Chief Minister of Uttarakhand, Chief Minister’s Secretariat, Dehradun November 5th, 2011 Re: Honouring the Nainital High Court’s Judgement in the Escort Farm case Sir, We write you with great concern and anguish for the failure of Uttarakhand state to provide justice to nearly 150 Dalit families living in and around village Harinagar and Kundeswari, in Kashipur block of district Shaheed Udham Singh Nagar, who have been waiting for land redistribution for the land declared ceiling surplus under the UPZALR act in 1990s by the commissioner of Kumaon. This was upheld by Allahabad High Court in 1992 which was again challenged by P.N.Mehta of M/s Escorts Farms Ltd yet the Supreme Court in its historic judgement upheld the Allahabad High Court Order in February 2004. After the Supreme Court upheld land ceiling, we thought that the state of Uttarakhand will implement the court order which was clearly meant according to ceiling laws but very unfortunately without caring the human aspect and the issue of social justice as well as the claims of the Dalit families who were actually tilling the land during the time in 1990 when M/s Escorts Farms Ltd of Mr P.N.Mehta in active connivance of administration mercifully dislocated the 150 landless Dalit families who created a new world of their own by dint of their hard work. The administration from the day one was hell bent to deny the Dalits a right to have their land. The dismal state of Dalits and their isolation in Uttarakhand is well known to be described here. The antipathy of the political parties to raise this issue in the past 15 years is an example of how our polity take up the issue of Dalits in the region. Yet, we have fought the issue with great conviction in rule of law and our constitution. After the Supreme Court judgement too, the Uttarakhand authorities were not ready to take over the land from the farm house which used every trick to circumvent the rule of ceiling act by creating fictitious companies and group of people which were clearly described by the Supreme Court as people who should be shown no mercy. In fact, on February 5th, 2001, Shri Bansidhar Bhagat wrote a letter to district magistrate Udham Singh Nagar, ( letter number 831/vip/2000 dated 5.02.2001) on our complaint to investigate the activities of the land mafia in the region who with active connivance of the district administration were allotting the land declared surplus under Ceiling Act, to the people from Punjab without providing any papers etc. In fact none of the residents of the area would have any paper of land but they would claim having been there for ‘years’. On January 2nd, 2006, the State Chief Minister Shri N.D.Tiwari under pressure of violating Supreme Court order asked the state administration to take the possession of the said 1126.67 acres of land. The way the entire issue was dealt showed the farce in the entire exercise. The government demolished various houses of the ‘farmers’ who were declared encroachers by the Supreme Court and later on redistributed the same land to nearly 200 families. Hence the illegal owners have now been legalised by the state government. Ofcourse, the politicians from Punjab, Akali Dal and BJP were in the forefront of fighting for the ‘rights’ of the ‘farmers’. We all know all the land ceiling act has been mercilessly and violently violated in the Tarai region of Uttarakhand. The shocking aspect of all these is the continuous neglect to the issue of the Dalits in the region. Why have the government officials, political parties continue to deny the rights to the Dalits in the region. We filed a petition with the Lokayukta Justice S.H.Raza who declared in his final report that the state of Uttarakhand has violated the Supreme Court order. The attitude of the government officials in Uttarakhand was clearly caste-ist in nature and thoroughly anti Dalit. We wanted to know under which category the land was given to these 200 Sikhs after the government took over the land. We can understand that your government was not there during the period but your party has a role in thwarting the Supreme Court judgement. Land Ceiling Act is clearly design to provide social justice to all the landless people particularly Dalits, addivasis and women but definitely the government officials had other ideas. They felt that the government has enormous rights over their land and can redistribute it to whoever it feels. This was challenged by me in the Uttarakhand High Court on October 19th, 2010 under PIL No 75,2010 about which Justice Barin Ghosh, Chief Justice of High Court of Uttarakhand said “ The petitioner contends that the land acquired under UP Zamindari Abolition and Land Reform Act, 1950 can only be dealt with in the manner provided in Section 198 of the said Act In other words it is the contention of the petitioner that the land, which has come in the possession of the State, in view of the provision contained in the said Act, can only be settled in favour of the persons named and in accordance with the preference specified in Section 198 of the said Act and the State Government has no authority to utilise the said land for any other purpose.’ The state counsel said that the state government has unfettered rights of deciding about the acquired land to any one. On 26th October 2010 Chief Justice of Uttarakhand High Court Justice Barin Ghosh passed the order accepting our position and asked the state government to redistribute the land according to the provisions Section 198 of Uttar-Pradesh Zamindari Abolition and Land Reform Act, 1950. We however want to mention shocking details here and completely lack of coordination between the standing Counsel of the government of Uttarakhand in the High Court, who did not know anything happening at the ground. The standing counsel suggested that the government has not done anything with the acquired land while the government’s own records suggested that over 200 people were already redistributed land which violated the basic principle of the land ceiling act. The officials were unable to convince the Lokayukta that time whether their act was according to the provisions and spirit of Supreme Court order. The court however accepted the contention of the Standing Counsel that the government has not acted there because of various problems, while the fact is that the government on January 1st-2nd and 3rd, 2006 distributed about 450 acres of land to nearly 200 families who were actually declared encroachers by the Supreme Court of India in its judgement in 2004 and suggesting that no mercy should be shown to them. We felt that finally the Uttarakhand government will act and provide relief to the Dalit families hence we did not insist on our charges against the standing counsel for openly misguiding the court about the said land. It is over one year now since the High Court Order came and it is with deep sense of regret that we are approaching you that the government’s in Uttarakhand have not shown any will to implement the Supreme Court order despite a clear guide line from the High Court in Nainital as how should the land be redistributed. We are enclosing all the main documents including the high court order in this regard in the hope that your government will soon take and action. In case it is not done, we will have to approach the High Court and Supreme Court for the clear case of contempt of the Court order by the state of Uttarakhand. We are looking forward for a speedy action from your side so that the Dalits in Uttarakhand may feel that government has honoured its constitutional obligations. It is rare that despite so much of miscarriage of justice by the state authorities the Dalits of the state still are looking for constitutional means to provide them justice. We congratulate for passing a Lokpal bill though without ensuring participation of Dalits and OBCs in it, yet we hope you will find time to read Justice S.H.Raza’s scathing indictment of Uttarakhand government officials for violating the spirit of Supreme Court order. It is therefore not important whether you bring this law or that, but the implementation of it. We hope that your government will act on it and provide justice to the displaced Dalits of village Harinagar and Kundeswari who fought against the might of the land mafias and still opted to believe in the constitution of India and did not pick up guns to get speedy justice. That need to be appreciated by you and your government if it want peace and prosperity in Tarai region as social inequalities and mafia raj on land will only precipitate the matter and no action for the sake of vote will create a big distrust between different communities. Thank you, Yours Sincerely, Vidya Bhushan Rawat

It is Outrageous

Raid on Kavita Srivastava’s house is a case of intimidation by State of Chhattishgarh By Vidya Bhushan Rawat Chhatisgarh police is notorious for its misadventures. We all know its track record of harassing human rights activists all over the country. It has taken a leaf out of the book from Andhra Pradesh police who is notorious to harass people as well as engaged in encounters. Perhaps, all this is happening everywhere. We have seen the notoriety of Gujarat police where an honest police officer is paying price of his honesty of speaking against the chief minister of the state. The threat and intimidation of human rights activists all over the country is well known to be debated here. What we are witnessing now is the outreach of the state agencies to arrest, humiliate and harass activists beyond their states and it is a matter of great concern. The situation in states like Gujarat, Chhatishgarh and Jharkhand is a challenge to all the human rights activists and it is time when the Central government must make it clear to the state to put their own house in order rather than trying to shoot the messenger. It is therefore shocking to hear the news of the raid by the Chhatishgarh police at the house of Kavita Srivastava, the National Secretary of People’s Union for Civil Liberties, in Jaipur. Those who have known Kavita and her work can vouch that her work goes beyond the work of PUCL and her concern for the common people and human rights in the country. Activists deeply rooted in the grassroots traditions of India; we have all seen Kavita completely immersed in issues related to the people. Whether it is the issue of right to food, and various issues related to the same, or the issue of communalism in India, she has been uncompromising in her attitude and perception. She has been an ardent advocate of human rights all over the country and travelled to many state for the cause of the same. Whether preparation of draft National Food Security bill or strengthening the Public Distribution System or raising the issue of minorities in Rajasthan, Kavita has been in the forefront. The ministers and their bureaucrats who have seen Kavita leading or participating in various delegations know her conviction for the cause of human rights in India. Therefore, it is shocking to see a group of Rajasthan police actively assisting their Chhatisgharh counterpart in ‘searching’ for a ‘dreaded’ ‘Naxalite’ at the house of Kavita in Jaipur. They found nothing. What will they report to their Central bosses and state apparatus? This is sheer nonsense and a serious challenge to all the human rights activists all over the country. This is nothing but intimidation and harassment of an activist who has devoted herself for the cause of human rights in the country. If speaking for human rights and expressing our dissatisfaction and dissent to government policies mean being a Maoist, then we should all register ourselves as Maoist. I have no shame in saying so. It is time for P.Chidambaram to train his police and investigators who are completely lost in their effort to ‘control’ ‘terrorism’ and Maoism’, in the country, to understand the meaning of dissent. The policies of the government and it is not necessarily government at the centre but at the state level also have generated mass upsurge all over the country. While, you may define Anna Hazare’s movement as a rightwing nationalist outcry but the dissent against the policies of the government and its surrender to capitalists casteists forces is growing every where. People are revolting and if the government feel that this protest and revolt of the Dalits and Aadivasis is just supported or facilitated by some NGOs or organisations, then they are on the wrong path. It is time for them to see the writing on the wall as they have completely failed in understanding people’s perception and ideas about their rights. It is shameful for the government of chhatishgarh for trying to intimidate an activist and her parents in her absence. This is nothing but a clear case of ‘dadagiri’ by a government that has spread official terrorism in the state. Today, activist can not organise meeting in Chhatishgarh as the state spy them all the time. The life of an activist in Chhatishgarh and Jharkhand is so miserable that they can not even think of organising anything without inviting the government of the state to create obstacles for them. Binayak Sen was charged for helping the Maoists. The government of the state pursued the case shamelessly against him and tried to influence the local courts. He was ultimately granted bail by the Supreme Court. The condition in Bastar and other areas are well known to us. We know chief minister Raman Singh can not visit Bastar or any of the regions which is ‘infected; by the Naxals. Why is the chief minister still unable to win over the tribals despite so much of drama and theatrics by him to claim the sainthood and a leader who has provided people rice below Rs 2 a kilo. It is a well known fact that the most comfortable people in Chhatishgarh are the Babas, the socalled spiritual gurus who have got huge land to fulfil the Hindutva project and the companies like Essar and Jindals. Ofcourse, Jindal is a Congress MP but despite that we all know that corporate interest cross party lines and BJP or Congress will not create any obstacles for them. Chhatishgarh is the best example of the lethal mixture of brahmanical Hindutva and capitalist corporate. The victim of this are the Dalits and tribals who have to vote to any of these great ‘nationalist’ parties to save their interest. The raid on Kavita’s home is a challenge to all of us who do not agree with the fascist nature of the state trying to shun all kind of dissent. It is a signal to all of us to keep our mouth shut or get ready to face various charges of being ‘anti national’, a Maoist or Naxalite. Former Prime Minister VP Singh in an interview had said once that if speaking the truth and fighting for your rights mean being a Maoist then he was ready to be called as a Maoist. It is shameful that political parties and leaders are unable to win the confidence of the tribal and Dalits and are trying to create a fear psychosis about the prevailing situation in Chhatishgarh, Jharkhand and other states. The question is that tribal autonomy is an old issue and with the continuous assault of the corporate on their natural resources is being resisted. If people are speaking and supporting the cause of the human rights of tribal or Dalits or Muslims, it is being seen as a challenge to state. One does not know whether a state could ever be bigger than its people. Can India ever progress and claim as a nation if its tribals, Dalits and minorities remain outside the ambit of development, and constitution. So, the attack on kavita is a clearly a signal to human rights activists, people’s movement leaders, and writers not to speak against the state. That the notorious police of these states will come and search your house is well known. That these states are now spreading their wings outside their limited domain and can take you anywhere is a worrying signal... The Central government can not keep silent on the issue. It will pay a heavy price for playing politics on the issue of human rights. The problem with it is that it is promoting all such rubbish in the name of nationalism which violates basic rights of people. If India wants to claim a democracy then it must not allow itself to surrender to fascists element claiming to democrats just because they got elected. We all know Hitler also got elected from a popular mandate. The threats to human rights are very valid in India and its neighbour. We can not allow human rights activist to be brutalised by state as well as society. We need a regular monitoring of all these states where the state apparatus is being used by the state government to fulfil its nefarious agenda. The issue of Naxalims and Maoism can not be resolved by making them ‘terrorists’. It can not be resolved by Chidambaram and his colleagues through guns and their idiocies in arming the state and terrorising the innocent tribals. To win them over, the Indian state will have to disarm them and not to procure more arms to terrorise the innocent people. State can not be using ‘tit for tat’ techniques. People like kavita Srivastava are actually playing role of a catalyst to increase faith of those who are being violated daily in the state. They are defending human rights even at the cost of their own self. By terrorising them and humiliating them, the state of India will not gain anything. It will only lose whatever little it has acquired in the last sixty years, in the name of democracy. Chhatisgarh government must apologise. The rights of the state government to go anywhere and terrorise citizens of other state can not be expected. How can Rajasthan government allow Chhatisgarh government and its police to raid the house of an activist? We must condemn this incident and warn the Chhatishgarh police to mend its ways. It must be taken to task and improve its style of functioning. The Hindutva government of Chhatishgarh is advised to take care of Adivasis properly. Win the Aadivasis through good work, through land reform and giving them autonomy and not through terrorising the people who speak for the rights of the people. National Human Rights Commission and Union Home Ministry must take action against Chhatishgarh police and must apologise for this shameful incident. They must ask the state to maintain some dignity. State can not be allowed to send their goons everywhere to arrest any one in the name of ‘Maoism’. It is the same that the state apparatus and the central intelligence can not differentiate between dissenters and Maoists. If they do not understand it then they must be taught that there are hundreds of activists and political scientists who differ completely with the government’s approach in handling the issue of tribals and yet they do not approve the ways of the Maoists. If the government does not understand it, it is not the problem of the activists or PUCL or Kavita Sirvastava. If the government and its agencies do not understand it then it is time to train them again. In the meanwhile, we must all salute to the spirit of Kavita and hope that such intimidating tactics will not deter her from her path. There are hundreds like us expressing solidarity with her. .